J^'

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES

OF

PERSIAN POETS;

WITH

CRITICAL AND EXPLANATORY REMARKS.

THE LATE RIGHT HONOURABLE

SIR GORE OUSELEY, Bart.

TO WHICH IS PREFIXED,

A MEMOIR

OF

THE LATE EIGHT HON. SIR GORE OUSELEY, BART.,

SOMETIME AMBASSADOR EXTRAORDINARY AND PLENIPOTENTIARY
AT THE COURT OF PERSIA.

BY

THE REV. JAMES REYNOLDS, M.R.A.S.,

PERPETUAL CURATE OP ST. MARYS HOSPITAL, ILFORD, BSSBX4 AND SECRBTARY TO THE
ORIENTAL TRANSLATIOV COMMITTEE OF THE ROVAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LONDON:
PRINTED FOR THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND

OF GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND:

SOLD BY
W. H. ALLEN AND CO., LEADENHALL STREET;

AND

B. DUPRAT, PARIS.

M.DCCC.XLVI.

LONDON :

HARRISON AND CO.. PKINTER.S,

ST. martin's lank.

ADVERTISEMENT.

The Editor desires to state that Sir Gore Ouseley's
decease took place whilst this work was passing through
the press, and that therefore those corrections only could
be made in the latter portion as the MS. could suggest.
Although Sir Gore Ouseley approved of the use of Sir
William Jones's system of expressing Oriental words in
Roman characters, (as modified and recommended by the
Oriental Translation Committee,) yet he desired that in
this work his own method of orthography should be
adhered to.

The Editor wishes also to intimate, that although he
in the composition of the Memoir avoided as much as
possible allusions to political or disputed points, and con-
fined himself to those observations which related to Sir
Gore Ouseley 's literary and personal character; yet, that
for the few unimportant remarks which in the course of
the narrative he was almost compelled to introduce, and
upon which a difference of opinion may exist, he alone is
responsible, — as far as for the expression of an opinion of
so little value he can be responsible at all.

MEMOIR

OF

SIR GORE OUSELEY

It was the peculiar good fortune of the sub-
ject of the following memoir not only to become
successful in the state of life to which he was
originally devoted, but also, by a skilful use of
those incidental opportunities, of which great men
alone can avail themselves, to attain very diiferent
and far greater eminence than he could have antici-
pated. Destined to a career essentially private,
he attained to one of the most noble employments
in the public service ; and seeking to win a compe-
tence, was so ha^jpy as to win also honour, rank,
and fame.

The main branch of the ancient family of
Ouseley, Oseley, Owsley, Osley, or Oisle, (which
name occurs in the Battle-Roll of the companions
of William the Conqueror, and which is probably
Norman,) was seated in the county of Salop for
several centuries before the accession of Queen

* a

vi MEMOIR OF

Elizabeth. Several wills and other documents
notice intermarriages of this family, contracted
with the houses of Conway, Staiford, Bray, and
Salusbury. Several branches of this family appear
to have settled in different counties ; at Chedding-
ton, in Dorsetshire ; at St. Mary Buckland, in
Somersetshire ; at Low Leyton, in Essex ; at
Great Budworth, in Cheshire; and at Hallaton,
in Leicestershire.

According to a tradition preserved in ancient
pedigrees, during many generations, in the family
of Ouseley, a gallant warrior of that name had
married a most beautiful young lady, named
Agnes, about the period that King Edward the
First, after his return from the Holy Land,
marched through Shropshire to attack the Prince
of Wales. Ouseley being a man of some rank
in that county, considered it his duty to go a day's
journey to meet the King and invite him to his
house, although he left his bride, even for a short
time, with reluctance. Agnes, on the following
day, proceeded a short distance to meet the King
and her husband ; but just as, accompanied by her
maidens, she approached the royal party, a huge
black wolf rushed out of a holly thicket and bit off
her hand. So intent was the ferocious beast upon
his prey, that the enraged husband was enabled to
seize him, to strangle him in the presence of

SIR GORE OUSELEY. vu

the King, and to tear his liead from his body.
Before this adventure, the arms of the family of
Ouseley were " Or, a chevron in chief, sable ;" but
upon this occasion the King granted the aug-
mentation of " three holly leaves, vert," and added
the crest of " a black wolf's head, erased, with a
" right hand in its mouth, couped at the A\Tist,
" gules, on a ducal coronet, with the motto, ' Mors
" lupi, Agnis vita ;' " and it is said that there
existed in a church in Shropshire a monument,
containing the figures of this warrior and his lady,
in which the latter was represented without the
right hand.

But the most remote ancestor of this name
whose rank, residence, and alliance are proved by
authentic documents, was Thomas Oseley, of St.
Winifred's, Salop, a.d. 148G. His grandson, Tho-
mas, who died a.d. 1557, appears to have been
employed in the public service, and received, as a
reward, certain grants of land from the Crown.
His son Richard also served the Court, and, by
greater ser\ices, merited greater rewards. Of
these rewards the most considerable was the manor
of Courtenhall, or Courtccnhall, in K'orthampton-
shire, granted to him by Queen Elizabeth, in 1571.
To this manor he removed from Shropshire, and
was buried here in 1598. His second wife, Qyj
whom only he had issue) was Magdalen, daughter

viii MEMOIR OF

of John "Wake, of Hartwell, a lady of the illustrious
family of Wake, which is descended through the
ducal families of Howard and Mowbray, and the
royal houses of Plantagenet and Yalois, from
Charlemagne. John, the son of Richard Ouseley,
was a distinguished officer, and was knighted
by James the First, in 1603, and, after various
services, died at the siege of Breda*, in 1625.

The family of Ouseley, as might have been
anticipated, adhered during the rebellion to the
Eoyal cause, and appear to have suffered for their
fidelity. Richard, son of Sir John Ouseley, a
major in the army, was compelled to sell his estate
of Courtenhall to Sir Samuel Jones, who settled it
upon his nephew, the ancestor of the present baro-
net of the Wake family, and the cousin of Richard
Ouseley. Thus, victims to their zeal in the cause

* Breda, having held out for about three years against the
Spanish army, was taken by the celebrated general, Spinola, in
1625-6. Many young English officers of family volunteered
their services to Prince Maurice of Orange and the besieged,
being ambitious to serve against Spinola; amongst them were
the Lord Southampton, (Vere,) Earl of Oxford, Sir Edward
Vere, Sir Charles Morgan, &c.; the latter surrendered the town.
Howell (Letters, p. 167,) says, that Spinola erected a new gate
with the following inscription in golden characters: " Philippo
Quarto regnante, Clara Eugenia Isabella Gubernante, Ambrosi
Spinola obsidente, Quatuor Regibus contra conantibus, Breda
capta fuit," &c.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ix

of honour, they were included in that numerous
class of less wealthy gentry, ruined by the civil
wars, who upon the restoration of Charles Ilnd,
earnestly sought^ from the justice and gratitude
of the royal government some compensation for
their sufferings, and some means of repairing
their fortunes. It is true that the Royalists did
not in fact restore the King ; but, undoubtedly,
the Royalists by the long-continued exhibition of
qualities, always dear to the English nation, by
their bravery, zeal, generosity, patience, and cheer-
fulness,— by the courage of their generals, and
the labours of their divines, gradually won over
to their cause those popular feelings and popular
wishes which, at the first favourable opportunity,
placed Charles in triumph upon the throne of his
ancestors; and the Royalists therefore might
justly look for reward for their services in the
restoration of Monarchy, or in the destruction
of military tyranny.

Their claims, although reasonable and admit-
ted, could not easily be satisfied. With respect to
many of them, however, there were found, in the
consequences of the civil wars which had ruined
them, the means of partial indemnification. Great
part of the soil of Ireland had been forfeited to
the Crown, and was distributed amongst various
adventurers. Amongst others, Richard Ouseley

X MEMOIR OF

succeeded in obtaining' a grant of Ballycogley
Castle, and 1443 acres of land in tlic county of
Wexford, and accordingly emigrated thither, ac-
companied by his third brother, Jasper Ouseley,
and probably by others of his kindred. Richard
left no male issue, and the Castle of Ballycog-
ley descended by marriage with his co-heiress,
Martha, to the Barrington family, who still pos-
sess it.

Jasper Ouseley resided at Tralee, and must
have obtained a competent property, — for his son
Jasper changed his residence from Tralee to
Dunmore Castle, Galway. The son of this Jasper,
AYilliam Ouseley, married first Elizaheth Morlei/y
by whom he had one son, William^ his heir,
Avho, dying without male issue, alienated his estates
for the benefit of his only daughter (married
into the family of Wills, of Roscommon). By
his second wife, Margaret Lee, (whose mother
was Mary Fox, a niece of Sir Stephen Fox, first
Lord Holland,) he had also one son RalpJiy the
father of the subject of this memoir.

The family of Ouseley, therefore, appears to
have been one of those families well known to
the historical and genealogical inquirer, which,
possessing gentle blood, merit, and wisdom, fre-
quently deserve, and appear to be on the point
of attaining greatness, — and as often, by the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xi

inconstancy or unkindness of fortune, are thrown
back again into their former station. It is pro-
bable that this cruelty of fortune, in refusing to
second efforts beyond a certain point, is not,
upon the whole, prejudicial to the happiness of
those whose emergence she restrains, and it is
certain that it is beneficial to the public: for
most eminent and useful men have sprung from
this, which may be termed the equestrian order.
From the name and family of Ouseley was twice
taken the " avitiis cum tare fundus'' annexed
to it. The legality of the last alienation was said
to be questionable (upon what grounds it does
not appear, as the estate seems not to have been
entailed). But Mr. Ouseley did not attempt to
disturb the arrangement of liis half brother, and
upon " his own moderate fortune lived " at Lime-
rick " in modest independence, beloved and re-
"spected by all those who had the happiness of
" knowing him."

He was tw ice married : by his first wife, Eliza-
beth, daughter of Henry Holland, Esq., (descended
from an ancient family of Lancashire, then settled
at Limerick,) he had a numerous family, of whom
eight survived. The eldest was William, afterwards
the learned Sir William Ouseley, LL.D. ; and
Gore, his second son, was born June 24th, 1770.

This excellent gentleman, and aftectionate

xii MEMOIR OF

father, was well qualified to fulfil the important
task which he undertook, of superintending the
education of his sons. He was a good scholar,
and judicious guide, whose careful training not
only insured the love, but won also the friendship
and confidence of his children.

Little information has been obtained respecting
the early years of his son, Gore Ouseley, who was
destined to one of the learned professions. But at
the age of seventeen years his acquirements were
doubtless considerable ; and an opportunity which
then occurred of commencing life, and of which his
father could appreciate the value, proves him to
have been possessed of enterprise, courage, and
skill.

The revival of that attention to the affairs of
the East, and that interest in Oriental literature,
which had decayed in Europe with the decay of the
Venetian power, was the effect of various causes
which it would be interesting to trace in detail.
In the controversial disputes between the Roman
Catholics and the Reformed, (which, in the seven-
teenth century became, if not less violent, less
fierce and more learned,) a considerable party
on both sides appealed in support of their views
on certain points of dogmatic theology, to the
testimony of the religious communities of the
East. That testimony was frequently invoked by

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xui

Anglican divines ; and Archbishop Laud had com-
missioned Dr. Isaac Basire to visit the Eastern
Churches and to examine their opinions. But
no one was more zealous in this controversy than
Louis Xiy., who, in order to ascertain the tradi-
tion of the Oriental Greek Churches, and of the
various schismatical bodies of the East upon the
subject of the Eucharist, commanded his Ambas-
sador at Constantinople, M. de N^ointel, to com-
municate with these bodies, in order to obtain
from them a formal declaration of their tenets,
and sent to his assistance in this negotiation
several eminent Oriental scholars as secretaries
or officers of embassy.

One of these secretaries was M. Galland (who
afterwards succeeded M. D'Herbelot in the Syriac
professorship at Paris), and who, during his resi-
dence and researches, either first met with, or
first examined, " The Book of the Thousand and
One Mghts." The translation of these delightful
romances, which he published on his return to
Europe, charmed and astonished all classes of
readers, and displayed new scenes to the eye of
imagination and fancy. In England, especially,
this well-known collection of tales moved all
hearts, and influenced the public taste, more, pro-
bably, than any other popular work has done.

XIV MEMOIR OF

And from "The Vision of Mirza" of Addison
to the "Rasselas" of Johnson, no productions
were composed with greater pleasure by authors,
or received with greater satisfaction by the public,
than imitations of Oriental narrative, allegory,
or description.

The commencement also, and the early vicissi-
tudes of the British empire in the East Indies
made the consideration of Oriental subjects a
matter of national interest; and the successes of
Lord Clive, the affairs of the East India Company,
the administration and impeachment of Warren
Hastings, by exciting patriotic satisfaction or party
zeal induced many to study the history and litera-
ture of the East, which the high reputation and
elegant publications of the admirable Sir William
Jones had contributed to illustrate and recom-
mend.

It is not improbable that, amidst other literary
pursuits. Oriental literature and the affairs of the
East may have attracted Mr. Ouseley's attention to
subjects which his sons, William and Gore, subse-
quently so successfully prosecuted, as to associate
the name of Ouseley with all that is elegant and
accomplished in Oriental researches. Mr. Ouseley,
doubtless, also considered what prospect of settle-
ment or of advancement the state of India might

SIR GORE OUSELEY. x^

afford for his family. Advantageous as the ser^dce
of the East India Company was, its benefits were
now more limited, regulated, and gradual than
before. Mr. Ouseley, therefore, chose a nearer
road to fortune for his accomplished son Gore,
who proceeded to India in 1787, and at first
entered into various engagements, apparently of
a commercial nature.

It might at first sight be imagined, that such
a course of life would have been unsuitable and
uncongenial to a young man possessed of courage,
enterprize, and learning. It was, however, by no
means so. Those Avhose pursuits call them to the
misgoverned countries of the East, are exposed to
perils in which they can be preserved only by
the exertion of boldness and good sense; and
in the native provinces of the East Indies, travel-
lers or sojourners were often exposed to dangers,
difficulties, or extortions, on the part both of the
warlike or lawless people and the ill-regulated
Government, in which it was expedient to employ
force or negotiation in order to resist aggression,
or to obtain justice. It is not necessary to pursue
in any detail the early life of Sir Gore Ouseley
in India, of which some letters will soon present
an accurate description. It will suffice to remark,
that few young men could be found better qualified

xvi MEMOIR OF

for the happy management of all contingencies.
Possessed, when he left England, of considerable
classical learning and modern accomplishment, he
possessed also a great love for, and skill in, all
manly exercises, courage, good sense, and pleasing-
manners. After residing in various parts of the
East Indies, he came, about the year 1795-1796, to
Lucknow, the capital of the province of Oude, a
country whose history is perhaps more generally
known than that of other provinces, because it is
intimately connected with the earlier history of the
British Empire in India. Here, at the age of
twenty-eight, he had obtained some notice by a
recent adventure.

It seems that circumstances had placed under
his direction a party of troops which had for some
considerable time been engaged in besieging a
fort belonging to a Zamindar, and under the
conmiand of a half-caste. The besiegers at length
taking advantage of one of those storms which
are common in the rainy season, attacked and
took this fort by surprise, — an exploit, the men-
tion of which illustrates the peculiar condition
of the country, and which, probably, inspired
the Nabob Vizir with confidence in his courage
and skill, and induced that Prince to admit him
into his own service, and to employ his friend-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xvii

ship and aid in one of the most important transac-
tions of his reign.

Before this period, (1798) however, Mr. Ouse-
ley must have been favourably known in literary
society, as well on account of his own acquirements
as from the increasing reputation of his learned
and zealous brother William. He was introduced
to Sir William Jones (who died in 1794), and has
described the earnestness with which that cele-
brated scholar recommended to the young guests
at his table the use of Sliiraz, in the room of
European wine, as a more appropriate and inspiring
beverage for Orientalists, a recommendation which
they were very unwilling to accept ; and he com-
municated some short papers to his brother's
" Asiatic Miscellanies," which display some origi-
nality of remark, and a taste for criticism and
classical literature. The following letters, ad-
dressed to his father, brother, and friend, will
partially illustrate the general course of his studies
and pursuits. They contain, as might be expected,
some opinions upon Oriental philology, which he
doubtlessly very shortly retracted, and they ex-
hibit his interest in music, in which he was both
practically and theoretically an admirable pro-
ficient, l^or will they fail to afford a favourable
view of the character and disposition of so young
a man, who, in such a climate, and amidst

* 6

xviii MEMOIR OF

very important and anxious occupations, employed
his leisure hours in usefid studies and refined
amusements. The word " Baftas/' mentioned in
one of these letters, would seem to imply that he
was, at the time when it was >mtten, the proprie-
tor of a factory of some woven fabric.

Extract of a Letter from the Right Honourable Sir Gore
Ouseley, then Mr. Ouseley, to his brother, Sir William
Ouseley.

" Bygonbarree, 1st November, 1792.
" Your progress in Arabic and Persian, though extra-
ordinary, does not astonish me, as I have some conception
of your talents, and the facUity with which you acquire
languages is not unknown to me ; but that you should be
more advanced in Arabic than Persian is indeed strange.
The former appears to me extremely difficult, and with
shame I confess it, the perplexed formation of its verbs
have almost deterred me from an attempt to learn it ;
however, I think I shall make a trial when I attain to
some degree of perfection in Persian, wliich will yet take
me a considerable time. This, you'll say, is beginning at
the wrong end, and you will say right, for Arabic is
doubtless the mother of Persian ; but, by the same rule,
we should begin with Sanscrit, which is mother and
grandmother of them both. Now, in my opinion, as the
daughter is fair and blooming, we may admire her beauties
and elegancies and study her whims and caprices, without
consulting the mother from whose bounty she has been
enriched; but you are an industrious rogue, I perceive,
and wish to have a touch both at mother and daughter,
and perhaps you'll be able to retui'n the comphment to

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xix

me next year, as I have serious notions of attacking the
grandmother Sanscrit, though the old lady is very coy,
difficult of access, and not easily won, but an immensity of
perseverance is necessary in this courtship.

" There have been four Persian versions of the Koran,
by Cashefi, and Byzabee, and Husainee, and Hussain Vaez.
That by Hussain Vaez (reckoned the best), I am at present
endeavouring to procure for you. You shall also have, by
the first opportunity, a correct copy of Eusefa and Zeleekha
(as pronounced by Persians), with as many other poems as I
can collect free from faults. MSS., as you have heard, are
common in India, and cheap, that is, we consider them so ;
but not one in a hundred is correct. Some are defective,
and others ill spelt; and as there are no public Persian
libraries, or professed booksellers in this part of Bengal, it
is difficult to get any particular book without a long and
industrious search. In the upper provinces of Hindostan,
where Persian is almost as much spoken as the Moors,
works of the most celebrated authors are easily and speedily
procured. This may be the case also on the Coromandel
and Malabar coast, where Col. Barry chiefly resided when
in India, but in Bengal it is widely different. The natives,
both Musselmans and Hindus, are an idle, indolent, and at
present ignorant race. The few who are fond of literature
and make collections of MSS., to save the expense of pur-
chasing, copy in their inelegant shekestah the beautiful
MSS. of Hindostan and Iran, and these again, which are
generally defective and incorrect, the poorer Munshis, who
are out of employment, not having interest to procure a
loan of the correct original, copy in fair Mustalik, and vend
for their subsistence. It is this which prevents my collec-
tion of manuscripts from increasing so rapidly as those of
other Europeans, who, upon the recommendation of their

h 2

XX MEMOIR OF

IMunslns, purclinse any trash that has a fan' appearance.
I only buy those written in Iran, which are very scarce, or
else have copies taken in fair Mustalik from the best origi-
nals under my own inspection. *****
" You ask my opinion of Asiatic literature, the merits of
various poets, Hafiz, &c., which 1 certainly will not venture
to expose to any one but yourself. Even now I 'm divided
between a consciousness of my insufficiency of judgment,
and a dread that you would consider my silence as an
affectation of modesty. It is not more than five months
since I have set down to, what you may call, study Persian ;
and though I can read and write it with tolerable facility,
I am far from havino; that knowledg-e of it wliich entitles
a man to judge of its excellencies and defects ; however,
not to be formal, my opinion of Persian poetry (by this I
would mean the works of the most celebrated poets) is,
that it is rich in elegancies, moral and entertaining, replete
with sublime, though fanciful imaginations, and faulty
alone in its extreme floweriness. Where roses are scat-
tered by the hand of taste, our senses are delighted with
their exquisite fragrance, but too great a profusion destroys

their effect, and cloys with sweetness.

******

" I have laid by this Persian book, (on music,) as I tell
you, but at times curiosity and a most inordinate lust for
exploring musical secrets, makes me take it up. I can
therefore hardly answer your questions. The Hindostane
music has a gamut consisting of notes like ours, which
being repeated in several ost, nons, or octaves, form in all
twenty-one natural notes * * * * j j^jj^ j^ hopes of
finding their mode of notations, and that they had a tabla-
ture of some kind I am almost confident. This manuscript
is written in a very easy style, yet the science of music is

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxi

so little cultivated now, that out of the iSIunshis who have
looked into it, (and I have shown it to many,) not one has
been able to explain a page of it. Nor should we wonder
at it, as amongst ourselves a man who had not studied
music would be puzzled to tell the meaning of the words
counterpoint and descant, particularly if they had been
hundreds of years out of use and practice. My only hope
of discovering these latent treasures is my knowledge of
music, which, with a little study of Sanscrit, will, I think,
enable me to write something like an analysis of the Hindu
music one of these days. As to the practical part of it, I
am perhaps more conversant in it than most of the natives,
the Raugs and Rauginees, (for a description of which I
refer you to the Asiatic Researches,) are the most ancient
compositions we have any account of. The five first
Raugs owe their origin to Mahidis, who produced them from
his five heads. Parbuttu his wife constructed the sixth;
Boimha composed the thirty Rauginees. These melodies
are in a peculiar genus, and of the three ancient genera I
think resemble the enharmonic most. The more modem
compositions are of that termed Diatonic, as you '11 per-
ceive by ' Gul buddum thoo humsee.' The Raugs and
Rauginees I have postponed setting to music till I read
more of my manuscript, as our system does not supply
notes or signs proper to express the almost imperceptible
elevations and depressions of the voice in these melodies.
The time too is broken and very irregular ; the modula-
tions frequent and very wild. The effects produced by
two of the six Raugs are more extraordinaiy than those
ascribed to any of the modes of the ancients, tho' to us so
incredible.

" Mia Tonsino, a wonderful musician in the time of Kino-
Akber, sung one of the Raugs in mid-day. The powers

xxii MEMOIR OF

of his music were such that it instantly became night, and
the darkness extended in a circle round the palace as far
as the sounds of his voice could be distinguished. They
have a tradition, that whoever attempts to sing the Rang
Dheepuck, will be destroyed by fire. The Emperor
Akber ordered Naik Gopaul, a famous musician, to sing
that Rang : he endeavoured to excuse himself, but in vain;
the Emperor insisted on obedience. He therefore re-
quested permission to go home and take leave of his family.
It was granted him, and in six months he returned. It
was then winter. Before he began to sing, he placed
himself up to the neck in the water of the Jumna. As
soon as he had sung a strain or two, the river began to be
hot, and at length to boil, and his body was blistered all
over. In this condition he begged of the Emperor to
suspend his commands ; but he was inexorable, and de-
manded a further proof of the powers of this Raug. Poor
Naik Gopaul sang on ; the flames burst out from him, and
he was consumed to ashes.

" These, and many other anecdotes, are in the mouths of
the most sensible of the natives, — and, what is more, they
are implicitly believed. The effect produced by Maig
Muloor Raug was immediately rain. And it is told, that
a singing girl saved Bengal from famine once by exerting
the power of her voice in this Raug and bringing a timely
tall of rain for the rice crops. When I inquire for people
able to sing and produce these wonderful effects, I am
gravely answered, that the art is now almost lost, but that
there are still persons of that descrii)tion in the West of
India. But inquire in West of India, and they wiU tell,
that if any remain, they must be in Bengal."

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxiii

" Bygonbarree, August 18, 1792.
" My dearest Father, — I was yesterday favoured with
your long-expected and much wished-for letter, dated 21st
January, 1792. Although you seem to write in bad
spirits, — and when that is the case, the reader is generally
infected with gloomy despondence also, — yet, in the pre-
sent instance, it is quite the reverse with me, for I have
not heard you once complain of ill health since I left
Europe. That you may continue so till we meet again is
my constant prayer.

" I now reside at Bygonbarree, in the Dacca Province,
on the banks of the Burhampooter, where I have esta-
blished a manufactory of baftas, much cheaper than in any
other part of the pro\ince. I have built a bungalow for
myself; offices, store-rooms, &c., for the business; and
taken a lease for ever of about two acres of ground from
the Zamindar, which has cost me (houses and all included)
about 1000 rupees. (100/.) You cannot conceive the
pleasure I take in walling, planting, and ditching my little

estate.

*****

" I am alone mostly for four or five days in the week ;
and though I stick close to the baftas, the arts are not
neglected. I study Persian, Bengalese, and Hindu, and a
little Ai-abic and Sanscrit. I also read over a good many
classics, that an education so liberally given, may not be
be thrown away by neglect. In music and drawing I am
much improved, — the former is a very favourite study.
A-propos, I feel more disappointed than I can tell you
about the bagpipes. I was sanguine in my expectations of
their arriving this year.

XXIV MEMOIR OF

" My collection of Hindu, Cashmerian, and Persian airs
and songs is advancing rapidly, and I can now hold a conver-
sation in Persian tolerably well. The INIoor's or Hindu's,
I speak like a native. The Bengalese is a language little
cultivated by gentlemen, as it is only useful in the interior
parts of the country, and never spoken at the Court of
Delhi, but it is of the greatest use in mercantile affairs; I
therefore study it both orally and scientifically, as I
perceive that even the trifling knowledge of it I have gives
me a sensible advantage over other merchants. I am
surprized I have not heard from William* this long time ;
pray remind him of his forgetfulness. I hope Alice and
Priscillaf have, ere this, received the little present I sent
them ; though equal to my ability, it is not to the love I
feel for them both. Remember me kindly to them, as I
request you will to all inqumng friends.

" You'll surely not complain of the shortness of this
letter, though I may with justice of yours.
" Adieu, my dearest father,

*' Your's ever faithfully and affectionately,
«' Ralph Ouseley, Esq., " G. O.

" Limerick, Ireland."

(Letter 2nd).

" Bygonbarree, 22nd August, 1792.
*• Last April, for the sake of luy commercial concerns,
which are carried on to greater advantage here than at
Dacca, I came to reside at Bygonbarree. It is situated in
the Alomunsing Collectorship, Dacca Province, about 80
miles N. E. of Dacca. I purchased about two acres of

* Afterwards Sir William Ouseley.
t Two younger sisters.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. XXV

land on the banks of the Great Burhampooter, where I
have since built a factory and snug habitation. As there
is only one family (the Collector's,) within 50 miles all
round, (and his house six miles distance from me,) I found
plenty of time in the evening for study. Accordingly, I
set about Persian most greedily, and as I already under-
stood it tolerably, made a quick progress. The book on
the science of music, which I mentioned to you in my
last, was, I hoped, amply to reward me for the pains I had
taken to enable me to translate it. I began, therefore,
but like a true Irishman, a translation from a difficult
language, though totally ignorant even in my own, of the
subject on which it was written. This I only discovered
when I got to the 30th or 40th page; though tolerably
correct in the practice, I found I knew little or notliing of
the theory or elements of music, the fundamental bass,
relation of sounds or principles of harmony, I therefore
threw down the Persian book and wrote to Calcutta for
Sir John Hawkins's and Dr. Burney's Histories of Music,
which, if I am happy enough to procure them, I mean to
read with attention. In the meantime I am picking up
something in a French Encyclopedia which treats a little
on music, but from what I have read of the Persian book,
I can perceive that the conjectures of European writers
upon Oriental music are very erroneous. I trouble you
Avith all tliis stuff, my dear Sir, 1st — under the flattering
conviction that you will be pleased to know what I'm
about ; and 2ndly — that an attempt to explore the ancient
state of one of your favourite sciences will be interesting,
though ever so trifling.

" Mr. Locke's distinction of desire, and will, for a long
time [)uzzled me. But your letter last year (you'll laugh
I'm sure at this) was the means of convincing me of its

XXVI MEMOIR OF

truth. The pleasing Information I received concerning
several works in the Sanscrit in consequence of inquiries
I made, led me to desire to study that language ; but I
tvill not, because such a melanere of lano;uas:es I am
obliged to make use of would spoil all. Ergo, desire and
will, are distinct. The Bengalese is a language I hold in
little esteem ; nor is there more than one work of any-
worth (the Mohabaarit) written in it. Yet I will, and
do learn it, because I find the knowledge of it gives
me an evident advantage over other merchants. Moor's or
Hindu's, the common language all over Hindostan, I am
pretty perfect in, and without much pains, as I seldom
hear anything else spoken about me. Out of sixty or
seventy servants, of various denominations, I have not one
who speaks a word of English. Persian I began, and
should not drop. Latin, Greek, French, and Italian, it
wovdd be shameful to forget entirely ; and with all these,
where is there room for Sanscrit? My collection of
Oriental airs is increasing fast ; — they will throw many
lights on the ancient system of music. These species seem
to be chiefly enharmonic. What do you think of this
pipe*? It is one of their most ancient instruments. The
reed on the left side is pierced like the chaunter of the
Irish bagpipe, with a hole for the thumb behind, &c. ; the
other reed is a continued bass note like the drone; the
three holes are left merely to tune it by, which is effected
by filling, or half filling them with wax ; the inside reeds,
from which the tones are produced, are made exactly like
the reeds in the drones of the Irish pipe. The whole
is fastened in a gourd or cuddoo nut with wax. It
is blown by the mouth like the Scotch pipe, but with sur-

* Probably a drawing of the instrument accompanied this.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxvii

prising facility. The music bears a very strong similitude
to that of our bagpipe in respect to crans, shakes, &c. ; for
the best, it is a wild indefinite kind of voluntary, scarcely
without beginning or ejid, according to our ideas. I have
heard them occasionally accompany a voice, and it had not
a bad effect ; but it is too shrill and loud for that purpose.
For my part, I think this instrument is the orginal inven-
tion from which the bagpipe of various forms was since
produced ; and I am sure, were I to play an Irish jig on
it, in the next room to you, you could scarce tell the dif-
ference. I will now bid you adieu, my dear sir, but mean to
address you again before the last ship of the season leaves
India.

" I have not been in Calcutta since I wrote to you last,
but purpose going next December. If the third volume
of the Asiatic Researches should be published whilst I am
there, I shall take a pleasure in forwarding it to you.
That you may anticipate some of the pleasure you will
have in the perusal, know that an essay on Oriental Music,
with a translation, &c., is expected from the elegant pen of
Sir Wm. Jones, probably from the Sanscrit, from which
my Persian book was taken.

" My father tells me, in a letter I received a few days
ago, that you were obliged to go to Italy and the South of
France to avoid the winter at home. I sincerely hope your
trip has been of service. Would that your health in every
clime was equal to my good wishes ! Remember me kindly
to every member of your worthy family, whose hospitality
and goodness I shall never forget.

" To you, I can truly say, I am

" Yours, very affectionately,
" Joseph Cooper Walker, Esq., " Gore Ouseley.

" 15, Eccles Street, Dublin."

xxviii MEMOIR OF

Such were the pursuits of Sir Gore Ouseley
when circumstances summoned him to a share in
public transactions. The province or Yiziirat of
Oude, like the other great fiefs of the Mogul
Empire, originally a vice-rojalty conferred on a
favourite nobleman, subject to the will of the sove-
reign, had, like them, gradually become indepen-
dent, and in the course of the convulsions which
attended the decay of the House of Timur, had
suffered various calamities and revolutions. Be-
tween the years 1790 and 1801, two remarkable
changes had been effected in the government of
this country. The first consisted in the deposition
(by Lord Teignmouth) of Mirza Ali, supposed son
of the N^abob, Asuf-ad-Dowlah, after a very short
reign, and the elevation of his supposed father's
brother, Saadat Ali, to the throne. This elevation
was, however, accompanied by conditions which
obliged the new Nabob to augment the amount of
his money subsidy to the Company, and to main-
tain a certain number of their troops in his pro-
vince, and which introduced that degree of British
authority and influence against which the pride of
the native Princes appears, somewhat unreasonably,
to murmur. For the influence of the British,
whilst it allowed them much real power, rendered
that power safe and permanent ; and it would be
impossible for a number of small States to preserve

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxix

themselves for any long period in peaceful inde-
pendence. Their existence as Sovereign States was
an anomaly in India which could last only whilst
wars and contentions lasted, and which must vanish
with the consolidation of any great, absorbing-
power.

Saadut Ali, however, although in many respects
an excellent Prince and amiable man, seemed to
forget both the advantages and the duties of his
station. He appeared to imagine that the power
which the Supreme Government had committed, or
rather reserved, to him, was presented to him irre-
sponsibly, and he forgot that the English authority,
in guaranteeing his sovereignty, even against the
only check which in the East exists against unjust
rulers, popular outbreak, and insurrection, impli-
citly guaranteed also some such measure of good
or tolerable government as might at least secure
them from the imputation of employing their
overwhelming strength in the maintenance of in-
justice. AYhen, therefore, the Marquis Wellesley
became Governor-General of India, he found much
reason to complain of the condition of Oude.

The people were miserably oppressed by cor-
ruption and misrule, the troops, ill-regulated and
probably ill-paid, were without discipline or con-
trol, and the revenues were so mismanaged that
the Kabob was unable to afford anv of that aid to

XXX MEMOIR OF

the British which he was bound to give, so that he
could not send any succour to Lord AVellesley
upon the occasion of the insurrection of his de-
posed nephew, the ex-l!^abob Yizier Ali, and on
the contrary applied for assistance on his own
behalf. The Governor-General, therefore, deter-
mined to place the relations between the N^abob
and the Company upon a new basis, and, after
various difficulties and discussions, proposed that
Saadut Ali should cede a considerable portion of
his territory to the Company, and consent to other
stipulations, which in effect amounted to an entire
surrender of all his military power, and to the
admission of a general control over his affairs on
the part of the Government of Bengal.

It is evident, that such stipulations only re-
stored Oude to the original position which that
and other feudatory provinces held under the
Mogul rule when that rule was vigorous and effec-
tive, with the additional advantage of a greater
assurance of permanent rank, revenue, and honour.
But the rulers of the smaller States had long for-
gotten their original condition, and been too long-
accustomed to act as Sovereigns, willingly to re-
sign their precarious station, even although they
might obtain in exchange a position more ascer-
tained, more secure and settled, and in reality
more independent ; Saadut Ali therefore long he-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxxi

sitated, and probably would never have consented,
or have never cordially acquiesced in the proposal,
if he had not been prevailed upon by the wise
counsels and explanations of confidential and pru-
dent friends.

Sir Gore Ouseley does not appear to have
been acquainted with Saadut Ali whilst the latter
was in a private station. Wlien, however, he
became N"abob, circumstances brought him into
occasional communication with Mr. Ouseley, and
this intercourse appears gradually to have ripened
into friendship. Mr. Ouseley, in order, doubtless,
to secure a definite rank at the Court, obtained
the appointment of Major Commandant in the
Nabob's service, and not being a Company's ser-
vant, was enabled to offer more unbiassed and
acceptable advice.

During the transactions of 1801, and the press-
ing endeavours on the part of the British Go-
vernment to prevail upon the Nabob to grant
his consent to the treaty of that period. Major
Ouseley was placed in an embarrassing situa-
tion, in which, however, he conducted himself
with candour and honour. He was residing at
Lucknow in 1798, at the period when those difli-
culties and discussions arose between the Governor-

xxxii MEMOIR OF

Geneial and the i^abob, which led at length to the
treaty of 1801. Throughout the whole of that
important negotiation, Major Ouseley abstained
from interference, and even from visiting the
Nabob. He would neither disoblige his patron, nor
disserve the interests of his country. But after
that period we find him avowedly employing his
influence to the mutual advantage of his Royal
friend and the British service.

There is every reason to believe that he was
successful in reconciling the Nabob to the treaty,
and by proper explanations inducing him to ac-
quiesce in arrangements from which he soon began
to derive the most solid advantages. Major
Ouseley's political services were now acknowledged
and commended.

In a memorandum of the public services of
the Right Hon. Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart., G.C.H.
and K.T.L., &c., signed by the Marquis Wellesley,
it is stated, that " Sir Gore Ouseley's conduct,
" during the time of his residence at Lucknow,
" was most useful to the British interests, and was
"fully approved by the Governor-General. In
" consequence of the strong recommendations of
''Mr. Henry Wellesley (now Lord Cowley), the
" Governor-General sanctioned the appointment

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxxiii

" of Major (now Sir Gore) Ouselej, as Aide-de-
" Camp to the ^abob Vizier, Saadut Ali. In that
" situation Sir Gore Ouselej availed himself, with
"judgment and wisdom, of every opportunity to
" cultivate a good understanding between the state
" of Oude and the British power, whose interests
" are, in fact, inseparable."

Major Ouseley, thus officially attached to the
Court of Oude, possessed opportunities of acquir-
ing political experience during the important
period that elapsed between 1800 and 1806. His
position was very delicate and difficult; but he
seems to have so acted as to secure confidence
and approval on all sides and at once to serve his
King and his friend. One instance of the manner
in which he employed his influence in rendering an
important service to his Sovereign by inducing
Saadut Ali to perform a gracious and acceptable
action is mentioned in the above-named memo-
randum.

At the commencement of the Mahratta war, in 1803,
the 8th, or Royal Irish Regiment of Dragoons (just
then arrived from England, and not being yet mounted,)
volunteered to serve on foot, and was marching to join
Lord Lake's army. Saadut Ali Khan happened to meet
this distinguished corps on their march, as he was hunting,
accompanied by Sir Gore Ouseley, who having suggested
to the Nawab the service which would be rendered to the
cause of the allies by furnishing these brave men with

c

XXXI V MEMOIR OF

horses, the Nawab unmediately authorised Sir Gore Ouse-
ley to select horses for that purpose from His Highness'
stables. Colonel Salkeld was accordingly sent from
Cawnpore, and, with Sir Gore, selected the number of
horses required to mount the regiment, from nearly four
thousand horses then in the Nawab 's stables. This muni-
ficent and friendly gift greatly delighted Lord Lake, the
commander-in-chief, who employed the Royal Irish,
mounted on the horses of the Nawab of Oude, with the
most glorious effect in the memorable victory of Laswarree,
and in the pursuit and defeat of Holkar. His Highness
further evinced his anxiety to contribute to the success of
the British arms, under the government of the Marquess
Wellesley, by furnishing gratuitously Lord Lake's army
in the field with a considerable number of elephants for
the baggage, and of cattle for the use of the camp, which
proved most important in aiding the advance and opera-
tions of the troops during the war.

These most useful arrangements were all made under
the salutary and able advice and suggestion of Sir Gore
Ouseley, to whose wise counsels Saadut Ali paid the most
ready and favourable attention. These facts, (so creditable
to the Nawab and to Sir Gore Ouseley,) afford a most
unquestionable proof that the treaty of 1801 had not
alienated Saadut All's mind from the Governor-General ;
and that the operation of that treaty had proved equally
beneficial to the Nawab Vizir, and to the British interests.

The remarkable success which attended Sir
Gore Oiiseley's efforts at the Court of Oude was
the result of his well-applied knowledge and of his
winning and courteous manners. He had not been

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxxv

satisfied with a mere colloquial readiness in speak-
ing Persian. He had, by industrious study,
acquired the art of conversing with elegance, — of
comprehending the involved and difficult phrases
used in official communications, and of composing
correctly and pleasingly. But his manners and
deportment favourably prepossessed all who knew
him, and disposed all around him to gratify his
wishes. He was, indeed, endowed with that "just
"address" which belongs to the character of an ac-
complished diplomatist; and, like the celebrated
Sir Henry Wotton, (whom he resembled in some
other respects,) whilst he was inferior to none in
frankness and kindness, " he studied the disposi-
" tions of those" with whom he communicated offi-
cially, " well knowing that he who negotiates a
" continued business, and neglects the study of dis-
" positions, usually fails in his proposed ends." And
this " honest policy," successful in Europe, would
be doubly successful with respect to Asiatic princes,
whose natural intelligence, even where it exists, is
guided by but little solid knowledge, and unable
to resist the impulses of violent passions.

At the close of the latter end of the year
1804, Major Ouseley, after long solicitation, ob-
tained permission from his friend Saadut Ali to
return to Europe. He dismissed him with the
warmest expressions of affection and regard, and

c 2

xxxvi MEMOIR OF

appears to have expected his return to India.
But they never met again.

Major Ouseley had resided seventeen years in
India, and may be well supposed to have earnestly
desired to visit his native land. One of the de-
lights of home, indeed, and objects of honest
ambition, had been cut off from him for ever. His
excellent father, Mr. Ealph Ouseley, died in 1803,
and his son no longer enjoyed the j)rospect, which
had doubtless cheered and supported him, of
receiving those praises for his conduct, and con-
gratulations upon his advancement, which, from so
wise and affectionate a parent, would have com-
posed his highest reward. The following extracts
from the journal of his voyage from India to
Europe displays the nature of his feelings at this
period, and witnesses the warmth of his affection to
his parent and his friend: —

"January 30th, 1805.
" We weighed anchor at Saugor Roads at daybreak.
Oiir fleet consisted of the following Company's ships, ex-
clusive of country vessels, Danes, and Portuguese, in all
making thirty-one sail. The sight of so many ships get-
ting under weigh, with a favouiing wind, and a delightful
morning, was most novel and charming; but the reflection
that every moment hurried me from the country in which
I had lived seventeen years, the flower of my youth ; in
which I had formed many dear connexions ; and in which
I left behind me many friends most dear to me — soon
destroyed the charms of so interesting a sight, and reduced

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxxvii

me to the state of passive melancholy which has invariably
attended me since I left Calcutta. The recollection of
His Highness the Xawab Vizier, I confess, also caused me
a few sorrowful sensations. I retraced, with inward satis-
faction, the different stages of our acquaintance, from the
day that he first noticed my knowledge of his language
and the manners of Hindustan, until the zenith of our
intimacy and friendship, when, having yielded Avith reluc-
tance to my application about returning to Europe, he
pressed my hand to his heart, and, whilst the big tear
trembled in his eye, repeated with great emotion, ' To the
care of Providence I deliver my best and only friend.
May the Almighty God watch over your welfare and
happiness and shortly restore you to me ! '

" The sun had not yet risen above the horizon, and our
course down the bay not requiring the sails to be shifted,
I sat down on a hen-coop and continued my train of
thoughts in calm tranquillity. My dear and ever-lamented
father recurred to my memory. It was not a transition,
but rather a continuance of the chain of reflection ; for, in
retracing the first cause of the Xawab's intimacy with me,
I perceived that I was indebted for it to a few acquire-
ments, which the excellent education his parental tender-
ness allowed me, enabled me to make my own. Filial
love and gratitude Avarmed my sorrowful heart for a mo-
ment, and I deplored with bitter anguish that Providence
had not spared my beloved parent for a few years more,
that I might render the night of his life comfortable and
repay the many obligations he conferred upon me; for do
I not owe everything to his tender care ? Was it not to
the early acquirement of languages and science that I am
indebted for my advancement in life ? To the same cause I
may safely ascribe the partiality of the Nawab Vizier, and

xxxviii MEMOIR OF

the esteem and friendship of some of the worthiest charac-
ters in India. But above all, do I not owe to the educa-
tion I received, the greatest pride I can ever know — the
friendship and esteem of the distinguished and most accom-
plished statesman, the Marquess Wellesley?" — Extracted
from the Journal of Voyage home from India in 1805.

Major Ouseley arrived in England in 1805, and
ha\ang enjoyed for a short time the novelty of his
native land, sought retirement and domestic hap-
I)iness. He married, on the 12th of April, 1806,
Harriet Georgina, daughter of J. AVliitelock, Esq.

But, although comparatively retired, he was not
unnoticed : for in 1808 he was raised to the dignity
of Baronet, probably at the instance, and certainly
with the hearty concurrence of his eminent friend
and patron the Marquis Wellesley, who had, not
long previously, become Secretary of State for
Foreign Affairs. It seems to have been most
gratifying to Major Ouseley to possess marks of
friendship and esteem from so wise and discrimi-
nating a statesman, to receive rewards from whom
constituted in itself an evidence of merit; and who
amongst the other services which he rendered to his
country, rendered one which survived himself, by
choosing the worthiest and best to fill official ap-
pointments. The services of Major Ouseley must
have been indeed important, since they received so
great a share of approbation. And although pro-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xxxix

bably the time has not yet arrived when they can
be all made knoAvn in detail, yet illustrating that
which is yet secret by that which is known, most
persons vail admit that Lord Wellesley had good
ground for the satisfaction in Sir Gore Ouseley's
services which he so warmly expressed.

In 1809 considerable interest was excited both
at the English Court, and in the community, by
the arrival in London of an Ambassador from the
Persian King — an event almost novel in English
diplomacy since the Embassy of Sir Anthony
Shirley, — who, however, although Ambassador from
Persia, was himself a British subject, and therefore
scarcely meriting recognition. l!^or was he accre-
dited to England only, but also to other European
Governments. Mirza Abul Hasan seems to have
been appointed by the reigning Shah, Futteh Ali,
in the character and with the privileges of an
Envoy (as far as the Shah understood them). And
it was expedient to receive him as far as possible
with the honours and in the manner which he would
expect and appreciate.

Lord AYellesley, therefore, recommended Sir
Gore Ouseley to the office of Mahmandar from the
King, (George Illrd.) to the Ambassador. The
office of Mahmandar is one of considerable impor-
tance, and the details connected with its exercise
are minutely and jealously defined by the rules of

d

xl MEMOIR OF

Oriental etiquette. He is the entertainer of the
newly-arrived guest on the part of the Sovereign ;
appointed to accompany him abroad, to provide
for his comfort, and to convey his wishes. As the
intimate companion of the Minister, he must be of
a rank corresponding with that of the former, and
with the amount of honour and kindness which the
Government to whom he is accredited desires to
confer, and the degree of attention which he him-
self in the East bestows is regulated by similar
principles. For such an appointment, Sir Gore
Ouseley was eminently qualified. Fully acquainted
with the Persian language, and versed in the forms
of Oriental Courts, he knew how to adjust his
attention so as to preserve the proper dignity of
his own Sovereign, whilst he fully carried out the
wishes of Government in cordially exhibiting those
duties of friendship and hospitality which the King
desired to fulfil towards his Persian guest. Mfrza
Abul Hasan was the bearer of a treaty concluded
between the Shah of Persia and the British Envoy,
Sir Harford Jones, and of which he sought the rati-
fication in England. In the important negotiation
to which this treaty and the peculiar circumstances
in which the state of Persia then appeared gave rise.
Sir Gore Ouseley necessarily had a share. And, as
might have been anticipated, the Government
having resolved that another representative should

I

SIR GORE OUSEl.EY. xli

accompany Abul Hasan on his return to Persia,
nominated Sir Gore Ouseley to the high rank and
office of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipo-
tentiary to that Court, being the first Ambassador
accredited from England to Persia since the
mission of Sir Dodmore Cotton and Sir
Anthony Shirley in 1628.

The increase of the English Empire in India
during the last century had extended the British
frontiers to those wild and celebrated regions
towards the north-west, which have been frequently
possessed, and always influenced by the Persian
Monarchy, and had introduced new relations be-
tween the two Powers which led to the necessity of
intercourse and negotiation. Some occasional
communication had taken place between the
Governor-Greneral and the Governor of Bombay and
the Persian Court ; and the resident of Bagdad
had transacted some affairs on behalf of the
Indian Government with the latter. But the first
modern embassy to Persia of importance took
place in 1800, when Sir John Malcolm was dis-
patched from the Governor-General of India to
the King, Futteh Ali Shah, who had then recently
ascended the throne. The object of the mission
was to form an alliance with the Shah, and to
obtain his support against the inroad>s of the
Affghans, an object in which that eminent diplo-

xlii MEMOIR OF

matist not only succeeded, but succeeded also in
establishing a favourable opinion in Persia of
English wealth and greatness.

l^ot long afterwards the relations of Persia
with England assumed greater importance, and
became objects of greater interest to the English
Government. The invasion of the British do-
minions in the East had been a favourite project
with the Emperor l!^apoleon. Checked in his me-
ditated conquest of Egypt, which it is supposed he
designed to effect chiefly in order to facilitate the
invasion of India, he soon embraced another and
apparently a more advantageous opportunity of
forwarding his ambitious wishes, and after the
events of the year 1807 detached the Emperor of
Russia from English interests, and entered himself
into a close alliance with that Sovereign. This
event excited great and not unreasonable alarm
in England. Russia and Persia had for many
years been in an unfriendly attitude towards each
other. The former Power had long passed her
natural frontier, and had obtained a partial posses-
sion of Georgia. It probably appeared to i^apo-
leon an easy task to aid Russia in humbling Persia,
and to march, as Kadir Shah did, towards Lahore
and onwards to Delhi. The anxiety caused by the
apprehension of such an attempt induced the
Ministry to communicate directly with the Shah,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xliii

and Sir Harford Jones Bridges, Bart., who had
been resident at Bagdad, was dispatched as Envoy
Extraordinary from the King of England.

The difficulties which had before obstructed, and
confused transactions in Persia, became during the
progress of the negotiations of this mission more
prominent and observable. There were two circum-
stances in the condition of the relations of Persia
which naturally confused and perplexed diplomatic
officers. One of these circumstances was the
undefined state of official rank. The Government
of each of the greater provinces was intrusted to
the Princes of the Blood, to each of whom a Yizier
or Minister was assigned by the Shah to assist or
perhaps be responsible for the Royal deputy. Thus
(Prince) Husain Ali Mirza was, in 1808, Governor
of the province of Ears and Shiraz, and ]N^asr- Allah-
Khan Chief Minister, and (Prince) Abbas-Mirza
(subsequently recognized as heir-apparent to the
throne,) was Governor of the province of Azarbaijan,
but frequently resided, alternately with his father,
at the capitals of Tahran or Tabriz, where he
appears also to have exercised the powers of an
associate in the supreme Government. His Yizier
was Mirza Buzurg, a Minister who possessed consi-
derable influence both with the Shah and his
immediate master Prince Abbas. But these pecu-
liar arrangements were the source of considerable

xliv MEMOIR OF

embarrassment to the first negotiators in Persia.
The ^Ministers of the Princes would inveigle them
into indignities by forcing from them a degree of
homage, which from the representative of a Sove-
reign power, w as due only to the Sovereign him-
self. They would strive to obtain a confidence
which they afterwards abused, they extracted
secrets which they betrayed ; and they attempted
to commence negotiations, or to make half pro-
mises, which might be easily disavowed at the
supreme seat of Government.

Another cu'cumstance which perplexed negotia-
tion in Persia, was found in the anomalous and
undefined authority of the Government of India in
its transactions wdth Foreign States, and in the
nature and amount of the powers confided to it by
the King's Ministers at home.

The Shah of Persia, and his Ministers, if they
once suspected the character and comparative rank
of the supreme Government of Calcutta, would
feel indignant at being compelled to treat on equal
terms ^vith the Viceroy instead of a Monarch, and
would scarcely regard engagements so concluded as
strongly binding. The perplexity thus occasioned
was increased when the affairs of Persia became
even closely connected with questions of European
policy.

The Indian Government might plead the dis-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xlv

tance of England, the necessity for immediate
action which sometimes arose, and the inconveni-
ence which would occur of checking an advan-
tageous arrangement by the delay which would
take place in consulting the home authorities, as
a first ground for claiming from England the con-
cession of full powers in their negotiations with
Persia, an entire authority over all officers em-
ployed there, and a complete sanction to all the
arrangements agreed upon with that, and other
Oriental Potentates. But, on the other hand, the
British Government might object to entrust the
settlement of measm-es in which Europe was in-
terested to an authority not directly responsible,
and to a Governor not of the King's Ministry.
They might allege, that although the welfare of the
East India Company and the British Empire was
generally identical, yet that they might be some-
times inconsistent Avith, or opposed to one another,
in various important details, and that it would be
impossible to surrender to the Governor-General
the privilege of direct control in matters of policy
not simply Oriental. Difficulties of this nature are
now removed, or diminished by the advantage of
increased experience, but as they were not at
first easy of solution, they may well form an apology
for any mistakes into which British diplomatic
agents may at first have been betrayed.

xlvi MEMOIR OF

The mission of Sir Harford Jones Brydges was
confused and embarrassed in its transactions by the
operation of both the circumstances alluded to.
Upon his arrival, on his route to his destination, at
Bombay, he found that Lord Minto, the then
Governor-General, had already dispatched General
Malcolm to the Court of Persia, in order to detach
the Shah from the French alliance, and to prevail
upon him to dismiss General Gardanne, and the
French mission which had been for some time
residing at the capital. Sir Harford therefore
considered it expedient to await General Malcolm's
return, and upon the arrival of intelligence that he
had been unsuccessful in his attempt, and had
sailed from Persia direct to Calcutta, the Envoy,
with the assent of the Governor-General, proceed-
ed on his mission. He ascertained, soon after his
arrival, that General Malcolm had gone to Calcutta
with the intention of prevailing upon the Governor-
General to make some hostile demonstration
against the Persians. This intelligence proved to
be correct. Wliilst at Shiraz, Sir Harford Jones
received directions from Lord Minto to retire
from Persia, as General Malcolm had been dis-
patched with a force to seize upon the island of
Carrack, in the Persian Gulf, in order to overawe
the Ministers of the Shah. With this direction the
Envoy refused to comply, alleging that he had

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xlvii

proceeded in his negotiations too far to retreat.
He accordingly hastened to Tahran, was admitted
to an audience by the Shah, and without delay
concluded a treaty between England and Persia.
He had scarcely done so when the news arrived
that Lord Minto had refused to honour the bills
drawn on India by the Envoy, and had annulled
the mission. This measure was now too late, the
treaty was sent by Sir Harford Jones (who offered
at the same time his resignation), to England, in
the charge of Mr. Morier, who was accompanied by
the Persian Ambassador, Mirza Abul Hasan, to the
British Court, and General Malcolm was unable to
carry his project into effect.

The transactions of this mission have been
published in full detail by Sir Harford Jones him-
self, and probably most of those who have perused
them have arrived at the same conclusion. The
amiable disposition of this gentleman, succeeding
in winning friendship and attachment, seems to
have misled him to expect success in his public
transactions by means of private influence, and
caused him to forget that in a country like Persia
success so won would not be lasting. Perhaps, by
communicating too freely at first with the Minis-
ters of the Princes, he committed himself too
decidedly in opposition to the suspected plans of
the Governor- General and General Malcolm. He

xlviii MEMOIR OF

seems to have entertained too favourable an opi-
nion of the character of the people with whom he
was appointed to treat, and not to have sufficiently
perceived that a bold and vigorous measure, such
as that proposed by General Malcolm, would have
been far more effectual in permanently advancing
British interests than friendly representations or
politic considerations. His collision in opinion
with the East Indian Government seems through-
out to have somewhat embarrassed his proceedings.
And it may be lamented that he did not suspend
his negotiations upon the receipt of the first com-
munication from Lord Minto at Shiraz. But it is
to be remembered, that the latter possessed no
direct authority over the Envoy, or power to
annul, control, or do more' than counsel the mis-
sion ; that Sir Harford Jones's conduct in resisting
the attempt to direct him was approved by the
Ministry at home ; and that the treaty which he
had concluded was immediately ratified.

Sir Gore Ouseley, appointed to succeed Sir
Harford Jones, (but in the higher rank of Ambas-
sador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary,) sailed
from England in July 1810, in the Lion man-
of-war of sixty-four guns. Captain Heathcote hav-
ing the command. He was accompanied by Lady
Ouseley and her infant daughter, and his excellent
and learned brother Sir William Ouseley, whose

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xlix

admirable account of some of the transactions of
the mission and researches into the antiquities
and natural curiosities of Persia were afterwards
published by him, and received with great and
continued favour, and would be sufficiently im-
portant in themselves to render this embassy
remarkable. Sir William was private secretary to
his brother. The other gentlemen composing the
mission were Mr. Morier, secretary of embassy;
the Honourable R. Gordon, second private secre-
tary; and the Persian Ambassador, Mirza Abill
Hasan. The Lion touched at Madeira and Eio
Janeiro, Ceylon, and Cochin, and arrived at
Bombay in January, 1811. Having been most
hospitably received by Governor Duncan, and
having during his stay obtained the confidence of
General Malcolm, and derived benefit from his
counsel and information, the Ambassador sailed
from Bombay, and arriving at the port of Abii-
shahr, on the Persian Gulf, on the 1st of March,
1811, landed on the 5th.

During the voyage, the Ambassador occupied
himself in the agreeable task of instructing Lady
Ousel ey in the Persian language, in sketching re-
markable objects which occurred in the course of the
voyage, and in antiquarian and literary references.
Most of his researches were shared by his brother,
and are recorded in the narrative of the latter.

d

1 MEMOIR OF

Such remarks, however, as the following, could
be made only by one who had been resident in
India: — " To a person who has ever been in Bengal,
" a strong resemblance will immediately present
" itself between that country and the Brazils. On
'^ entering the harbour, the canoes of the fishermen,
" their ample cane hats, and the manner of hand-
'' ling their oars and paddles strikes you at once.
" I^earer the town another kind of boat comes off
" with fruit and washers of linen exactly of the
" form of the pulwar of Bengal, with a similar
^' mast and sail. On examining the fruit, you find
" the mango, plantain, banana, orange, guava,
" citron, lime, pine- apple, melon, water-melon,
" cocoa-nuts, &c. On shore you see the bulk of the
*^ population black. They sing whilst at work, or
" drawing great weights, like the kulies or labourers
" of Bengal. They have a great many holidays,
" which they celebrate like the Bangolees by pro-
" cessions, music, and dancing. Even their in-
" strum ents are extremely similar, (I speak chiefly
" of the African slaves,) flutes, hautboys, guitars,
" cymbals, and tom-toms, besides others formed
" with gourds. The houses next strike you, par-
" ticularly those of the middle sphere of life; the
" colouring of the outside with white and yellow
" ochre, the division of the interior, and the shape
" and size of the doors and windows, the earthen

SIR GORE OUSELEY. li

" vessels for culinary purposes, and those made of
" porous clay for cooling water, and in shape and
" construction like those in Bengal. One is open
" to be attacked equally in both places by mosquito
" flies, centipedes, cockroaches, scorpions, white
'^ ants, and other destructive insects and reptiles,
" besides snakes of all sizes, tigers, leopards,
" monkeys, squirrels, bats, &c., &c. There is even
" a resemblance between the Coiu't now at Kio
" Janeiro and the Durbars of some of the native
" Indian Princes. The Prince Eegent sees his
" courtiers twice a day. After an early dinner he
'* drives out, accompanied by his favourite, and
" accompanied by eight or ten ragamuffin troopers,
" who reminded me of an attempt made in Luck-
" now in Asafud Dowlah's lifetime to discipline
" horsemen after the European manner. On his
" return to the palace he gives private audiences
" to the people, one by one, from each of whom he
" picks up the scandal of the day."

But the Ambassador was also much engaged
during the voyage in reflecting upon the means of
accomplishing the important object of his commis-
sion. He was appointed to introduce into Persia a
mode of conducting public and political affairs more
suitable to the honour and dignity of the British
Crown than that hitherto (assuredly uninten-
tionally and from the force of novel and unusual

d 2

lii

MEMOIR OF

circumstances,) pursued. He was prepared to
regard success as a failure if gained by admissions
wliicli might be derogatory to the British nation,
or which being formed into precedent might
embarrass future transactions; and he was resolved
to act from the beginning, not as an agent,
appointed to bring to a successful issue any
ordinary business, to solicit the favour and to gain
the interest of superiors, or, as a bearer of tribute
and entreaties from a vassal, but as the represen-
tative of a great King, and an Ambassador from a
powerful State, commissioned to treat only with the
highest, to propose frankly, and to speak freely.
It was probably from his anxiety to impress all his
official companions, and particularly the Persian
Ambassador, Avith a proper sense of his rank, that
he Avas strict in requiring the honours due to him
as Ambassador and Plenipotentiary: and, upon one
occasion, insisted so firmly upon the fulfilment of
a point of etiquette, to which the British Envoy at
Rio Janeiro objected, that a misunderstanding
nearly ensued, which, however, was obviated by a
handsome and frank concession and acknowledg-
ment from the latter. It deserves remark, that
although the opinions of Sir Gore Ouseley upon
the conduct to be pursued in Persia remained
unchanged during the embassy, yet his sentiments
with regard to the detail of the measures of his pre-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. liii

decessors became somewhat modified as liis means
of personal inquiry and intercourse augmented.

He seems to have concurred in the disapproba-
tion felt by the English ministry and the East
India Company at the attempt to control the mis-
sion of Sir Harford Jones, and at the expedition,
headed by General Malcolm, against the island of
Carrack ; and this feeling was not allayed by the
vehement and peevish remonstrances of the return-
ing Ambassador, Abul Hasan, an enemy of General
Malcolm and a firm friend of Sir Harford Jones.
But the explanation and information afforded by
General Malcolm at Bombay, whilst by no means
implicitly admitted, yet evidently influenced and
impressed him. They indeed never biassed his
mind against Sir Harford Jones, or predisposed
him to regard with less favour the measures of
that gentleman, when, upon his arrival in Persia,
he became more directly concerned in them.
But they unfolded to him the difficulties of his
position, and suggested to him the necessity of
cautious consideration in his proceedings. Yet
it is gratifying to observe that, in one particular
instance (the appointment of a Mahmandar), he
found that Sir Harford Jones's conduct had been
dictated by kindness and judgment, and that his
rank and honour had been duly consulted in that
arrangement. If the sentiments of high-minded

liv MEMOIR OF

men could be freely intercommunicated, it would
probably be found that they feel but little real
rancour against those Avith whom they may be at
issue, and hasten to be relieved from the burden
of any ill-will, produced by ambitious rivalry or
political differences.

On the day that the Ambassador landed, and
immediately after his arrival at his tent, (for his
suite were encamped at Abu-shahr during his stay
there,) he received a dispatch from Constantinople,
through Sir Harford Jones. " I cast my eyes," he
observes, " on a Gazette Extraordinary, which men-
" tioned Lord Wellington's action of the 27th Sep-
" tember, 1810, in the Sierra of Mondego, when,
" after exultingly explaining the particulars of the
" battle and victory to the Persian gentlemen, my
" eyes caught the name of Ouseley among the list of
" slain. I had just time to say to the Mirza, * My
" brother — ' when my feelings overcame me, and I
" wept violently. I retreated to the corner of the
" tent and hid my face. In the interim the gentle-
" men of my family had explained the business to the
*' Governor of Abu-shahr and his party, who very
" properly took their leave immediately. I scarcely
" ever suffered so much in my life as the loss of my
" beloved brother Ealph occasioned. He was a most
" promising youth of seventeen, a Lieutenant in the
" 45th Eegiment, which distinguished itself at

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Iv

" Talavera and the last battle (of Busaco), in both
" of which actions my poor brother obtained the
" applause of his brother officers. He had received
"a very good education in Ireland, which I had
" finished for him at Marlow College. In fact, since
'• my father's death I had looked upon him as my
" own son, and I now deplore his loss as much as if
" he had been."

The party encamped at Abu-shahr consisted of
Sir Gore and Lady Ouseley, Sir William Ouseley,
the infant Miss Ouseley, Miss Mackintosh, daugh-
ter of Su' James Mackintosh, and entrusted to Sir
Gore's care from Bombay on her route to Bag-
dad, Mr. Morier, Mr. Gordon, Majors D'Arcy and
Stone; the two Lieutenants Willock (avIio were
already in Persia, and had been attached to the
suite of Sir H. Jones), Dr. Sharp, and Lieutenant
Livingston. The latter was soon permitted to
accompany a courier, which conveyed to Sir H.
Jones, his father-in-law, his letters of recall ; and
the Ambassador awaited impatiently the arrival of
a Mahmandar from the Shah, to whom and to his
ministers, he had written from Bombay. An
officer arrived from the Prince Royal, Abbas Mirza,
(who was at Tabriz,) with a courineous letter and
message; but some days elapsed before the Am-
bassador received information of the nomination
of any Mahmandar; and although he was at length

Ivi MEMOIR OF

iiifoniicd that Mirza Ziki Khan had been nomi-
nated to that office, yet that gentleman had not
arrived on the 26th March. The person appointed,
and the delay in his arrival, were both displeasing
to the Ambassador. Ziki Khan was a courtier
attached to the Prince-Governor of Shiraz, and
had been Mahmandar to Sir Harford Jones. Sir
Gore desired a Mahmandar appointed directly by
the 8hah, and of a rank as much higher than that
of the officer appointed to conduct Sir H. Jones, as
Sir Gore's diplomatic rank exceeded that of the
latter gentleman ; whilst for the Supreme Govern-
ment to delay its welcome- and its invitation to
proceed to the Presence constituted an imputation
of inferiority to which Sir Gore Ouseley resolved
not to submit. He therefore would not await the
arrival of Ziki Khan beyond the 27th March,
upon which day he proceeded towards Shiraz with-
out him, and expressed his determination that
he would both refuse to receive him when he
arrived and would complain to the Shah of the
slight inflicted upon him. Ziki Khan, arriving the
next day, was accordingly, in spite of his excuses,
refused admission. But the Ambassador found it
impossible to travel without the protection of a
Mahmandar, as no provisions could be procured,
cither for his suite or horses, without the authority
of such an officer, and was compelled to accept the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Mi

mediation of Mirza Abul Hasan, and receive Ziki
Khan. He, however, intimated to him that he was
accredited not to the Viceroy Prince, but only to
the King of Persia, and that his conduct would in
all respects be regulated by that consideration.

The embassy arrived at Shiraz on the 8th
April, and Sir Gore then began to carry into
effect his resolution of maintaining the honour of
his country, which was involved in the assertion of
his own rank and dignity, both with respect to cere-
monies, negotiations, and presents. He evaded
attempts to draw him into negotiation by general
and complimentary replies. He succeeded in ob-
taining the distinctions which he regarded as his
due, visiting the Prince Governor the day after his
arrival at Shiraz, and being at once admitted into
the Presence, without the humiliating delay of
a detention in a chamber near the last gateway.
He would willingly have dispensed with one mark
of respect which the Prince designed to offer,
when during the audience, he summoned his Prime
Minister to approach him, and began in an audible
voice to praise the Ambassador, particularly com-
mending the ease and fluency with which he con-
versed in Persian. But Sir Gore was exposed to
a severe struggle with respect to presents. One
of the objects for the accomplishment of which his
embassy had been commissioned, was the endea-

Iviii MEMOIR OF

vour to check the great expense incurred in pre-
sents to the Shah, the Princes, and their ministers,
chiefs, and courtiers, which had been so freely dis-
tributed, that they began to be regarded almost as
a tribute and an offering given by the King of
England and the East India Company for the
advantage and honour of the protection and coun-
tenance of Persia. The Ambassador resolved to
confine the system of presents within proper limits;
to regard them only as testimonies of friendship
and respect, consisting chiefly of valuable speci-
mens of the manufactures, natural productions, or
curiosities of England and India. He prepared for
the Prince Royal a valuable offering, but of lesser
worth than those offered by his predecessors. The
Prince threatened to return it; upon which the Am-
bassador declared, that if such a threat were carried
into effect, he would immediately return the pre-
sents which he had himself received. This firmness
prevailed, and the Prince agreed to accept the gift.
"Upon the 12th April, 1811," (the Ambassa-
dor records,) "as the Prince sent me repeated
" messages on the subject of Lady Ouseley's visit-
" ing his mother, and even said that my refusing to
" allow her to do so would be a gross indignity to
" himself and mother as much as to his father, I
" at length consented; accordingly, a little before
" twelve, having di'essed and veiled, she proceeded

SIR GORE OUSELEY. lix

" in the Palki, with Janie, (Miss Ouseley,) and the
" two maids in the Kajavi, accompanied by Cornet
" Willock, and fifteen troopers, my brother and
" Dr. Shaqje, Ziki Khan, and Mirza Abul Hasan,
" to the door of the square of the royal apartments,
" from whence the Palki was taken up by a crowd
" of eunuchs and slave-girls, who carried her to the
" room in which the Queen, (i. e., one of the wives
" of the Shah and mother of the Prince,) her
" daughter, and the favourite wives of the Prince,
" were in readiness to receive her. The old lady,
" in compliance with English customs, had chairs
" for seating the party on : all the men, of course,
" staid outside. The head eunuch and one of the
" Prince's wives led Lady Ouseley up to the chair
" on which the Queen was sitting, who stooped for-
" ward and took both her hands, and welcomed her
" in a most kind and motherly manner. She placed
" her on her right hand, in a chair close to her
" own; on the left sat her daughter, a very pretty
" young woman, and all the Prince's wives stood in
" rows on each side towards the door, where Sher-
" lock and Kitty stood. After some minutes, tea
" and sweetmeats were brought in, of both of which
" the Queen handed spoonfuls for Lady Ouseley.
" She then gave her part of an orange, of which
" she partook herself. A golden ewer and basin
" were then brought in, and Lady Ouseley 's hands

Ix MEMOIR OF

" were washed in rose water. There were four
" children of the Prince's sitting down, one of whom
" was remarkably pretty. At length, after sitting
" about half an hour, Lady Ouseley made a motion
" to take leave, and after an affectionate embrace
" from the old Queen, and a salam from the
^' Princess, she was conducted to the Palki by the
*^ chief eunuch and some of the Prince's wives.
" The Queen appeared to be between fifty and
" sixty years of age, tall, but not handsome; her
" dress resplendent with jewels and pearls, neck-
" laces of immense emeralds, &c., &c. Her trou-
" sers or drawers were composed of a tissue of
" pearls and precious stones, and so stiff as not in
" any way to yield to the shape of her limbs; her
" naked painted feet peeped out from below them.
" Her waist was loose, and merely covered with thin
" muslin, — ^her head-dress was formed of black
" shawl, flat at the top, and extending at the sides
" in two immense puddings, richly adorned with
"jewels, and over all was thro'v^Ti a shawl almost
" entirely covered with pearls, so that it could be
" scarcely recognised as a red shawl. The daugh-
" ter's dress was something like her mother's, but
" embroidered muslin substituted for shawls, — ^her
" di-awers were of brocade, — she appeared about
" sixteen years old, and had a beautiful small
" mouth, with red pouting lips; but, like all the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixi

" other women, was disfigured by paint, — her eye-
" brows were blacked from one end to the other?
" across her forehead, in a broad black streak, —
" her cheeks painted a deep fiery red, with nume-
" rous black patches formed of stars and moons, —
" their throats had spots of red, black, and blue on
" them, their eyelashes blackened with antimony,
" and their hands red with henna. One of the
" women took off" Lady Ouseley's veil after entering,
" and daubed her forehead and hair with attar of
" roses. The room was very handsome, and orna-
" mented with pictures of the King and Princes,
" looking-glasses, &c., in front of which was a long
" fountain, which played Avith chimes of bells, — on
" each side rows of slave-girls stood, most richly
" dressed. The chairs were very handsome, of
" ebony and ivory inlaid. Lady Ouseley returned
" to the camp with the same cavalcade, and one of
^' the principal eunuchs, and after sitting for a few
" minutes with him, Ziki Khan, and the Mirza, I
" dismissed the party."

Upon the 14:th April the Persian Ambassador,
Mirza Abul Hasan, received the melancholy intel-
ligence of the death of his only son. Sir Gore
Ouseley immediately addressed him a note of
condolence, and, on the following day, called upon
him, and " I could not," he remarks, " help blend-
" ing my tears with his. It is singular," he pro-

,

Ixii MEMOIR OF

ceeds, " that he told us on board ship of having
" had a dream, in England, of losing a tooth ; and
" as in a former instance it foreboded the death of
" a beloved brother, he felt assured, he said, that
" he had in this also lost some dear friend. We
" laughed at the time, but he made me put down
"the date; and to-day, on comparing dates, it
" appears that his dream occurred on the very day
" of his son's death."

On the 5th of May, Mirza Ziki, fourth Vizir
to the Shah, accompanied by a guard of honour
for the service of the Ambassador, arrived with
letters from the Shah, to whom Sir Gore's com-
plaints, upon the subject of a Mahmandar, had
been communicated, and who sent this courtier
directly from himself to undertake that office.
This gentleman reported that the Shah was impa-
tient to sec the Ambassador, and was surprised
and delighted at the excellence of his Persian
style, carrying constantly with him a note which
Sir Gore had addressed to him. This accomplish-
ment of composing, writing, speaking, and com-
prehending Persian well, was of infinite advantage
to the Ambassador, by rendering him in a certain
degree independent of secretaries and interpreters,
and by impressing the Shah with an admiration
of his literary talents and acquirements. But Sir
Gore regretted the loss of his first Malmiandar,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixiii

for whom he had begun to feel esteem and attach-
ment, which seems to have been sincerely re-
turned ; and the temper of his successor in no way
compensated for the supersession of his friendly
and intelligent companion. Upon the 10th May
Sir Grore succeeded in obtaining from the Prince
Governor of Shiraz permission for the late Persian
Ambassador to England, Mirza Abul Hasan Khan,
to leave that city, and to proceed to the Shah's
presence with letters and dispatches. He had been
in great danger. The Prince, imagining that Sir
Gore Ouseley's demand of due honours, and refusal
of improper confidence and presents, were prompted
or encouraged by this gentleman, had resolved
to put him to death, or to put out his eyes, unless
he succeeded in extorting additional gifts. His
commission, therefore, to the Presence from the
English Ambassador was the means of preserving
his life. On the 9th June, Lieut. Taylor, Lieut.
Lockett, and the Rev. Henry Martyn arrived
at Shiraz, and were hospitably received and enter-
tained by the Ambassador. The latter, the cele-
brated missionary and chaplain to the East Lidia
Company, was travelling to Bagdad, in search of
ancient Arabic translations of the Bible and Tes-
tament. He officiated as chaplain to the embassy
whilst it remained at Shiraz, and upon his departure,
Sir Gore Ouseley strongly recommended Mr. Martyn

Ixiv

MEMOIR OF

to the protection of the authorities. The following
letter will exhibit the result of his researches.

" Shiraz, 21 Feb., 1812.

" My dear Sir Gore, — I have to thank you for your
favour of the 3rcl ultimo, as also for your kindness in pro-
mising to procure the Scriptures in Persian. I begin to
doubt if such a thing exists as the Old Testament in
Persian. What the ignorant Mahommedans call the
Tourat is, I suspect, notliing more than the miserable
production of a poor Jew turned Mahometan, who pre-
tended to prove that the Impostor was foretold by the
prophet Daniel.

"The New Testament you speak of, I think I must
have seen in India. It contained only the four Gospels
and the Acts, and was a translation from the Armenian.

*' Our Shiraz New Testament is, I am happy to say,
finished. And now nothing prevents me from moving to
the north, and having the pleasure of seeing good Enghsh
faces again but the royal scribe, who being employed by
princes and vizirs, stops my work for them, so that I
expect not to get away till the beginning of April. Thrice
happy will be the day when I march out of Shiraz! I
look forward to it witli more satisfaction than the convict
does to his return from transportation.

" It will be a great addition to my happiness if I can

be ready in tmie to join your chaplain, Mr. Canning, who

has written to me from Busliire, informing me of his

intention to pass this way, and requesting me to make my

arrangements so as to proceed with him. In the hope of

seeing you soon, I remain, with best respects to my Lady

and the Misses Ouseley,

" Very triUy yoiu's,

" H. Martyn."

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixv

Mr. Martyii died this year at Takat, in Turkey.
Sir Gore Ouseley many years afterwards attributed
his illness in a great measure to his extreme fond-
ness for fruits, which he seems to have supposed
to be a more light and proper food in hot climates.
In this he was greatly in error, but was so per-
suaded that he was in the right, that the Ambas-
sador was compelled absolutely to forbid him this
dangerous indulgence, and even to place a sentinel
near his apartment to prevent persons from bring-
ing fruit.

Upon the 13th June Lady Ouseley was confined
at the Takt-i-Kajar, a palace lent to the Ambas-
sador by the Prince-Governor, of a daughter, who
was christened by Mr. IMartyn, and named Eliza
Shir in, — the latter appellation being famous in the
classical poetry of Persia, and the adventures of
Khosru and Shirin, being the subject of many
strains, and especially of tlie celebrated poem of
Nizamf. This child afterwards died, and was
interred at Tahran. The Ambassador upon this
occasion received not the congratulations, but the
condolence of the Persian authorities, at the birth
of a daughter in the room of a son. Upon the
23rd June Sir Gore Ouseley received a present of
a sw^ord and three Arab horses from the Prince-
Governor, — (the latter, however, had been taken
from three of his courtiers). And after some officious

e

Ixvi MEMOIR OF

interference on tlie part of the Malimandar, and
an attempt, wlncli was immediately checked, to
force the Ambassador to discuss matters of business
with him, audience of leave was granted by the
Prince-Governor on the 6th July. On this occa-
sion, Sir Grore Ouseley remarks, " Out of compli-
" ment to the Prince, I put on the sword he gave
" me, and the gentlemen of my family were all
" obliged to dress in the brocade dresses he had
" sent them. Their gaudy appearance, and the
" trumpeters of the body guard blowing away
" through the town, put me in mind of Billy Punch,
^' or a mountebank's party."

The Embassy quitted Shiraz on the 10th July
on their route to Ispahan, Mirza Abul Hasan (now
raised to the rank of Khan) meeting them at
about fifty miles from the latter city, into which
the Ambassador made a public entry on the 29th.
He was received Avith the utmost distinction.
Four Istakbcils, or deputations of welcome, met
him at diiferent distances, of which the third
in order consisted of the Armenian Bishops and
Priests, in their robes, with colours (banners) in
their hands, chanting hymns; and at the head
of the fourth was the Bcgler Beg, Abdullah Khan,
a proud and powerful chief, who had not paid a
similar mark of respect to either of the fonner
Envoys. Thus accompanied, the Ambassador was

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixvii

conducted to the Palace of Saadut-abad (the
Mansion of Prosperity), and the magnificent se-
raglio of Heftdast (seven suites), which had been
the Harem of Shah Abbas the Great, was assigned
for the residence of himself and Lady Ouseley.

The gentlemen of the Embassy (who could not
be admitted into a harem) were lodged in a building
which was situated in an adjoining garden, and
bore the strange name of Ximak-dan (the salt
stand, or cellar). In this beautiful city the Em-
bassy remained many weeks, and the Ambassador
seems to have enjoyed his residence, and the ex-
cursions Avhich he made in the environs. Amongst
other visitors was Aga ^Muhammad Kazim, a cele-
brated poet, who had publislied a divan under
the poetical surname, or '' Makhlas," of Walvh, a
work A\ cU known to Sir Gore. This personage had
heard high commendations of the excellent Persian
library which the English Ambassador possessed,
and being himself a collector of books, proud of
his collection, and a good judge of MSS., re-
quested a sight of some of Sir Gore Ouseley 's;
the latter sent for the Baharistan, which the
poet examined for full two houi-s, and at length
acknowledged, that during seventy years, during
which he had been examining books, he had never
seen its equal.

The manuscript library which Sir Gore Ouseley

e2

Ixviii MEMOIR OF

collected in India is acknowledged to be mag-
nificent. It must have been chosen with great
care and judgment, and at very considerable ex-
pense ; whilst at LucknoAV, he had greatly con-
founded and mortified the librarian of the Nabob,
by exhibiting to him a MS. far superior in its
writing, its illuminations, paintings, and other
embellishments, to any which his royal master
possessed. The librarian afterwards requested
a loan of this MS., which Sir Gore Ouseley was
compelled to refuse, as a copy would have been
undoubtedly made of it, as accurately as possible,
which would have been returned to the lender, and
the original retained.

The Ambassador, (who suffered during the
greater part of September from a severe attack
of ague and fever,) left Ispahan on the 14th
October for Tahran. The Embassy passed through
the holy city of the Imams, Kiim, and through the
Yale of the Angel of Death. Here " about the
dawn of day," the Ambassador records, "we saw
something black at a distance, and on asking our
Persian grooms, were gravely informed that it was
a gluil, of which they said there were a great num-
ber in this desert, who worked the destruction of
imprudent travellers. We took a telescope, and
found the ghul was a stump of black wood. This
made no difference to the Persians, and they per-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixix

sisted it was the demon or hobgoblin thej deno-
minate a gliid, as it has the power of changing its
shape as often as it pleases. One of my grooms
declared seriously that he had seen several, and
another man said that he once came close to one,
who successively changed his shape from a tree to
a fox, a mule, a camel, a lion, and a giant,— when
on repeating his creed and loosening his large
riding pantaloons*, he vanished." The Embassy
entered Tahran, (where since the departure of Sir
Harford Jones, Mr. Thomas Sheridan had been left
in charge of the Mission,) in great state on the
9th E"ovember, and the Ambassador immediately
entered upon negotiations with the two Ministers
of the Shah, Mirza Sheffi and Amin-ad-doulah,
respecting the ceremonial of his introduction at
Court f. After much discussion two concessions
were obtained, that Sir Gore should be received

* He loosed his large pantaloons, wkich were drawn up to his
knees, so as to fall over his legs, either because it is regarded
as a mark of disrespect to show the feet, or in order to display
his courage, and to show that he had no intention of taking to
flight.

f Mirza Sheffi was Prime Minister. He was a man of some
abilities, but wily and encroaching. Amin-ad-doulah was Finance
Minister. He possessed more courteous manners than Mirza
Sheffi. Muhammad Nebbi Khan, Minister of Fars, and Mirza
Buzurg, Minister to Abbas Mirza, were also often consulted, and
possessed much influence.

Ixx MEMOIR OF

one day sooner than any former Ambassador, and
tliat Ills cliair during liis audience should be placed
considerably nearer the throne, and other points
of ceremonial ^^ ere also arranged. r>ut the mes-
sages which passed on this business were verbal,
and therefore the Ministers did not scruple subse-
quenth', on the day appointed, to deny that they
had assented to such points of the arrangement
for the reception as, upon consideration, displeased
them ; Mirza Sheffi accordingly denied that he
had ever agreed that Sir Gore Ouseley should
himself deliver the letter from King George llird
into the Shalrs hand; but declared that, according
to the immiitahle laivs of Persia, it must be
delivered to himself as Prime Minister. The
Persian Ministers refused to yield this point of
etiquette, and the Ambassador declared that if the
concessions alread}' made were now Avithheld, he
would not go to court. But the wily Yiziers imagined
that they had now effectually inveigled the Ambas-
sador into a difficulty; for, if he did not go to court
upon that day, he would lose the other concession
of being received a day sooner tlian his prede-
cessors. To remedy this, he declared that if he
was not received then he would not go that month.
This resolution compelled the Yiziers to submit,
but they had by their craftiness gained one point:
the negotiations had been so protracted, that the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxi

hour of public audience had passed over, and the
Shah having retired from the great hall, it was not
possible to take all the suite, and the Ambassador
was accompanied only by Mr. Morier, with whom
he proceeded with a splendid escort to the palace,
and was received by the Shah. Sir AYilham Ouseley
gives the following account of the audience.

" The 30th was at length appointed for our pre-
" sentation to the King ; and accordingly, at one
" o'clock on that day, Ave proceeded in full ceremony
" to the royal residence, where a guard of about two
" hundred men (chiefly, as Ave understood, Russian
" prisoners) received us at the Mekldn, or parade,
" AA'ith arms presented, according to the European
" style of military compliment. AVe then advanced
" as far as it Avas allowed to ride on horseback, and,
" having alighted at an inner gate of the Areg,
" walked tlu'ough it, and AAcre conducted by several
" officers along various narroAv passages to a small
" room, Avlicre Ave found Mohammed Huseln Khcin,
" surnamed Marvi, a personage of very high birth
" and exalted rank, Avith other great men. Here
" chairs had been proA'ided for our accommodation;
" thev were of dark-coloured Avood, having hiffli
" backs and large knobs, and much resembled those
" Avhich, from illuminated missals and other manu-
" scripts, appear to have been fashionable some
" centuries ago in France and England. I remarked

Ixxii MEMOIR OF

*•' that Marvi's chair, whether assigned to him as the
" seat of honour or accidentally occupied, was distin-
" guished from the rest by a higher back, rising in
" the middle to a point, like the apex of a triangle.
" Here we were treated with coffee and caledns.
'' The same officers then led us through a court,
'•' where we saw, in an open hall, the celebrated
" Tacl'ht-l-Marmer, or ' Marble Throne,' of which
" the materials were brought from Yedz. It ex-
" hibited many handsome reliefs, carved by the
" ingenious person of whose sculpture I possess and
'' have already described a specimen. We passed
" through two or three other courts and some
'• long passages, containing soldiers and attendants
" dressed in an extraordinary manner, their clothes
" being spotted over with golden pieces of money,
" sequins, and ducats, and many wore helmets of
" uncommon appearance. We at last entered that
'• building in which was the hall of audience, and,
"having shaken off our slippers, went in about
" twenty yards, making profound obeisances, as
" instructed by our conductors, at certain intervals
"from the spot when first it was possible that
"the King could discern us; then, forming a
" line near the Jiaw^j or reservoir in front of the
"presence-chamber, we perceived His Majesty
"seated on the TaMt-i- Tdous, or 'Peacock
" Throne ; ' and when the master of the ceremonies

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxiii

'• announced the English Embassy, we distinctly
"heard the usual Khushdmeded, or Mvelcome,'
" uttered by the royal lips.

" Having entered the hall of audience, the Ani-
" bassador took his seat on a chair placed at the
" distance of about two yards fi'om the door and
" five or six from the throne, in a direction almost
" diagonal, but rose after two or three minutes
"and severally presented us; an office which, as
"' we understood, the Vcizirs had heretofore insisted
" on performing. As each gentleman was introduced
"by name, the Monarch said something highly
" flattering and gracious with a courtly and dignified
" air. We then arranged ourselves in a roAv behind
" the chair, immediately near which the Ambassador
"' continued to stand during the remainder of this
" interview\

" Next the throne, which occupied a corner, not
" the centre, of the room, were two little Princes,
" five or perhaps six years old, who stood immove-
" able as statues, the whole time of audience, dis-
" playing a gravity of demeanour and solemnity of
" countenance, that w^ould have become the most
" aged and venerable of their father's ministers.
" More remote from the throne, but in the same
"' line, were five other Princes; the eldest and tallest
" being next, at an interval of two yards, to the
" little boys above mentioned: this was Hussan AU

Ixxiv MEMOIR OF

" Mit'za, secminglv twenty years old. Close on the
" riglit, was All Shah, to whom we had paid our
" respects some days before. Xear Inm stood a
*• younger Prince, and then two others, all stationed
" according to age and size; this royal rank ending
" with one of eight or nine years.

" On the same side, but in a recess formed by
" large windows, appeared three Mastowfies, or
" secretaries ; these were on our left hand as we
" stood behind the Ambassador's chair; while on
" our right, near the door, Avere four of the principal
" Vazirs or Ministers, with AMI Hassan Khaii,who
" had accompanied us to the palace. Beyond
" them, and extending towards the left side of the
" throne, was a row of five or six officers ; among
" whom, one held a most beautiful crown or taje,
'• apparently not inferior in the lustre of its jewels
^* to that with which the ^Monarch's head was so
" magnificently decorated; another of those officers
" bore in his hands the scymetar of state ; a tliird
" held in his hand the royal bow, in its case ; a
" fourth, the shield ; and one, a golden tray or
" dish, filled with diamonds and precious stones of
" wonderful size and dazzling brilliancy. Of the
" King's dress, I could perceive that the colour
" was scarlet ; but to ascertain exactly the mate-
" rials, would have been difficult, from the pro-
" fusion of large pearls that covered it in various

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxv

places, and the multiplicity of jewels that sparkled
all around ; for the golden throne seemed stud-
ded at the sides Avith precious stones of every
possible tint; and the back resembled a sun
or glory, of which the radiation was imitated by
diamonds, garnets, emeralds, and rubies. Of
such, also, was chiefly composed the Monarch's
ample and most splendid crown ; and the two
figures of birds that ornamented the throne, one
perched on each of its beautifully enamelled
shoulders.

" It was easy to recognise in the handsome and
manly countenance of Fateh Ali Shah, those
features which I had seen represented by several
delineations. Portraits of their King may be
found in every town among the Persians : large,
and painted on canvas; or small, on leaves of
paper; on the covers of looking-glasses; on
hdlmddns or pen-cases, and on the lids of boxes ;
even the most rudely executed presenting gene-
rally some similitude. All, at least, agree in
rendering justice to the royal beard, of which,
I could not discover that every picture, as it was
natural to suspect, had exaggerated the uncom-
mon length and copiousness.

'• AVc remained in the royal presence about
twenty minutes; during which time Fateh Ali
Slidli conversed most graciously with the Ambas-

Ixxvi MEMOIR OF

" sador; and having received from a kneeling*
" servant the state calean, rich in the lustre of
" jewels, he inhaled its smoke but for a moment,
" and gave back this precious instrument of Asiatic
" luxury.

" The room in which he sat was spacious and
" handsome, disfigured, however, by glaring oil-
" paintings of considerable size and very mean
" execution ; two large English mirrors contri-
" buted much to its embellishment. We retired,
" bowing at certain intervals towards the throne,
" on our return through the garden, while within a
" possibility of being seen by the King ; then
" resuming our high-heeled slippers, or Icufsh, we
" walked along courts and passages, and under
" narrow doorways, crowded with servants, guards,
'^ and officers of the palace, and great khans or
" lords ; some men whose office I neglected to
" inquire, held, each in his hand, a sceptre or
" slender wand, nearly four feet long, and appa-
" rently of gold enamelled green, with the figure
" of a bird at top, as large as a real sparrow, and
'' made of emeralds, rubies, and other jewels." —
(Ouseley's Travels).

The events of the period which elapsed from
November until the following May, are unfortu-
nately not recorded in the Ambassador's journal.
Those months were passed in frequent and tedious

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxvii

disputes and negotiations, in visits, and researches.
In January, 1812, the Ambassador was attacked
by severe illness, which greatly weakened him. In
February and March Sir William Ouseley was
absent from Tahran, having proceeded to the
Caspian provinces upon public business, and for
the purpose also of pursuing his antiquarian
researches. In March the Ambassador and his
suite were witnesses of the ceremony of the iN^uruz,
the ^ew-Day, the first of the Persian year. The
definitive treaty between England and Persia was,
after long and annoying discussions, arranged and
signed, and Sir Grore resolved that his brother
should return home with it. Upon this occasion
the Shah presented Sir Gore Ouseley with the
decoration of the Persian Order of the Lion and
Sun, set in diamonds.

Upon the 25th May, 1812, the Embassy de-
parted from Tahran, which was an unhealthy resi-
dence during the heat of the summer, to the cooler
capital Tcibris, (i. e., the city Febrifuge, or Fever-
dispersing,') passing through the celebrated city of
Kaswin. On the road the Ambassador received
information that peace had been probably con-
cluded between England and Russia, and that a
Eussian diplomatist, Colonel Freygang, had arrived
at Tabriz, sent by the Commander-in-Chief in
Georgia to the English embassy. This event was

Ixxviii ]\IEMOIR OF

soon verified, and afforded facilities to Sir Gore
for tlie commencement of neg'otiations for peace
l)etween Persia and Russia, tlirougli the mediation
of England.

The arrival of the Embassy at Tabriz, on the
lOtli, was followed by another attempt on the part
of the Mirza Buzurg, Prime Minister to the Prince
Royal, Abbas Mirza, to degrade the Ambassador
in matters of ceremonial, by appointing the first
audience of the latter to take place on the third
day after his arrival, to which the Ambassador
objected, because he had visited the Shah himself
on the third day, and was therefore entitled to
visit the Prince earlier, which he succeeded in
frustrating, and was admitted to an audience on
the 20th. He was much pleased with that intel-
ligent Prince, who received him Avith kindness.
Shortly after this, Major Papoof, a Russian officer,
visited Sir Gore, commissioned to treat with him
for an armistice.

The Ambassador in consequence dispatched
the Honourable Robert Gordon and Colonel Frey-
gang to General Rtischeff, the Commander-in-
Chief at Georgia, to commence negotiations for
peace with Persia. It is to be regretted that the
Journal of the Ambassador is interrupted from
the 26th June to the 7th September, which was
the period that the Embassy remained at Tabriz.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxix

It is probable that the Ambassador had himself
designed to fill up this vacant space with greater
care and in greater detail, as during this time
active negotiations were proceeding with the
Russian Greneral; and this deficiency is the
rather to be regretted as there is not, probably,
any accessible source from which it can be sup-
plied. But the Ambassador possessed a strong
persuasion of the inviolability of ofiicial confi-
dence ; and it is to be supposed that he delayed
recording his transactions until the time should
aiTive when it could be done with prudence and
propriety. In September he went to the camp
of the Prince Royal, in order to hold an interview
with the Russian General, and returned by an
interesting route to Tahran in November.

The winter of 1812-1-3 was probably attended
Avith few events, and not cheered by the slow
progress of the negotiation between Russia and
Persia. In March, 1813, the Ambassador remarks,
" Having purchased a very handsome horse for
" 170 tumans, I had an opportunity of establishing
" a fact which I had often heard of the real Tur-
"koman horses, but never witnessed before. As
"the spring came forward, his blood, I suppose,
" increased in heat, and veins in his neck opened
" in places which he could not reach to bite, and
" once or twice veins started whilst I was riding

Ixxx MEMOIR OF

"him, and. consequently. I could sec that it oc-
"curred witliout any outward help, such as rub-
"bing or biting them. It appears that this
"singular circumstance only occurs to Turkoman
" horses, and it is reckoned a mark of their being
" very high-bred horses." The swelling and burst-
ing veins of horses of pure blood would seem,
therefore, to be an ascertained fact.

On the 22nd March the Ambassador witnessed
all the ceremonies of the Kuruz. But although
he had requested permission to do so only as a
private individual, and therefore proposed to con-
form in all matters of ceremony to the wishes of
the Shah, he was most honourably placed very
near the throne during the celebration of this
curious festival, in which the Sovereign and his
subjects mutually salute each other upon the com-
mencement of the new year. He was even urged
to remain seated, but requested permission to stand,
observing that the Princes of the Blood Eoyal
were standing. In May the Ambassador, who
was a good judge of a horse, having declined five
indifferent horses offered to him by the Shah, (who
was almost as avaricious respecting his horses as
of his treasure,) accepted the sixth, a beautiful
Turkoman horse of an Arab sire and dam, named
Nilofer, or the Water Lily, a strange and ominous
appellation, since it would imply his propensity to

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxxi

" roll in the streams through which he might pass.
" The Ambassador's excuse for his refusal of the
" other horses was his purpose of carrying the
'^ Shah's present to England, whither it would be
" disgraceful to convey as a royal gift an indif-
" ferent animal. The Ambassador in the same
** month proceeded to the royal camp at Sultaniah,
" passing through Hamadan, where he insisted that
" the great chief Muhammad Husain Khan should
" head the Istakbal, and at length succeeded in
" obtaining that honour.

" Wednesday, June 9th, 1813. One stage from
" Hamadan, I was met by an Istakbal of horse and
" foot, headed by Mahomed Ali-bey, nephew of
^' Mahomed Hussein Khan, Kara Oglou, Governor
" of Hamadan and Yizier of Mahomed Ali Mirza.
" In the evening, Mirza Lutf Ullah, a confidential
**' Secretary of Mahomed Hussein Khan, paid me a
" visit, and on the part of his master offered me
" every civility. This Chief is the head of a tribe,
" having from seven to eight thousand families
" under him, and can bring ten thousand troops
" into the field; he is also the richest subject in
" Persia, supposed to have in ready money upwards
" of two million sterling. The Prince Mahomed
" Ali Mirza, who has certainly an eye to the throne
" of Persia, has therefore made him his Yizier ; he
^ is a very proud man. and must naturally feel dis-

/

Ixxxii MEMOIR OF

'' inclined to sliow me kindness, considering me the
" person wlio made his master's rival, the Prince
" Abbas Mirza, the acknowledged heir to the
" throne of Persia. Mirza Lutf Ullah brought me
" a message respecting the Istakbal, to which I
" have been obliged to refuse my assent in toto.
" He wants to send all the principal men of Hama-
" dan, headed by his sons, nephews, and grand-
" sons, and to visit me himself after I reach my
'' tents, but I have refused any Istakbal whatever,
" unless headed by himself. His plea for not
" doing so is that he is now in Hamadan, not as a
" Vizier, but as a great Governor, and chief of a
" large tribe, and that he did not do so either for
" General Malcolm or Mr. Manasty. My answer
" is, that I am an Ambassador Extraordinary, and
" that I cannot consider him as a greater man than
" Mahomed Ali Khan Kujur, the King's uncle, who
" came twice to meet me ; nor than Mirza Shefi,
" the Prime Minister of the Shah, who accom-
" panied me my first stage to Tabriz.

" Thursday, June 10th. Mirza Lutf Ullah came
" to tell me that he had been twice backwards and
" forwards during the night, and at length suc-
" ceeded in inducing this chief to head the
" Istakbal himself;"— (which he did.)

The following objects of antiquity were visited
by the Ambassador on his route : —

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxxiii

" Hamadan, June loth, 1813. During my sta}^
" here, I occupied myself daily in visiting such
'* places as appeared worthy the notice of an anti-
" quary. The most curious article in that way is
" a rock in the valley of Makteran, about five
" miles from Hamadan, under the mountain Al-
" werd, called, Ganj-Nameh, ^^Ij^if or History
" of the Treasure, for every writing in this country
'' that cannot be decyphered is immediatcl}^ set
" down as the ' directions to a hidden treasure.'
" There arc two oblong squares cut to an even
" surface in a large granite rock, a little above a
" stream of fine clear water, and near a spot where
" it forms a pretty cataract. At first sight it
" strikes one as a sculpture of Shahpur and the
" Sassanian monarchs, because the shape of the
" squares, the species of rock, and the situation
" near a clear stream, are exactly what one remarks
" at Shahpur, near Kazrun, — at Firuzabad, — at
" l^akhshir Rostam, — at Rei, — at Bisitoon, — and,
" in short, at every i^lace where the}' have left me-
" morials of their greatness. On a close approach,
" however, I found the squares divided into three
" pages, as it were, of unequal size, and completely
" covered with well-formed Persepolitan or arrow-
" headed characters, precisely similar to those at
" Persepolis and Murghab ; and this, in fact, is only
" the third place in Persia in which I have seen or

/2

Ixxxiv MEMOIR OF

heard of them. Tlie similarity of the scenery
induced a supposition (which I adopt with great
rekictance) that possibly the arrow-headed cha-
racter is coeval with the Pehlavi, but that the
former was only used for solemn funerals or reli-
gious purposes, and the latter for worldly ones,
such as triumphs, and the pomps of war. On a
hill which commands the city, is yet to be seen
two ancient Takht (although of smaller dimen-
sions), similar to those at Murghab and Perse-
polis, and now nearly dilapidated. We were
informed that there had been inscriptions on
some of the stones that formed it, but all our
efforts to get a sight of one proved ineffectual.
The next building, any way curious, is a species
of temple of ten sides, of [with] the origin of
which nobody seems acquainted. The founda-
tion, and about three feet above ground of it, are
composed of stones, but the rest is built of bricks
of equal sizes, and uncommonly well cemented
together. It is called the Temple of Sacrifice;
and the people have a confused notion that
some seven hundred years ago some Uzbeg Tar-
tars worshipped in it.

"June 20th, 1813, Chapakuli. Our road to-
day was good and pleasant. On our left lay the
mountain Baghamahs, on or close to which we
could see three or four villages. One of them

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxxv

" had a fort built on a hill, which looked respect-
" able at a distance. On inquiry I found it was
" called Takht-i-Sulaiman; but so incurious are
" all Persians, that although it is not more than six
" or seven miles from our encampment, the people
" of the village were themselves nearly as ignorant
" as those of Chapakuli; but what they wanted
" in the way of information they made up in
" civility and alacrity in showing me every place
" worthy of notice. The object from which the
" place takes its name, is an immense granite slab
" of irregular form, about nine feet long by six
" and a half wide, and sixteen inches thick, placed
" horizontally on two side rocks like supporters,
" and a mud wall at the back; the space under the
" slab is not above two feet from the ground. The
" whole is situated near a beautiful spring which
" gushes from a rock about five yards from it, and
" over it in modern days has been built a dome of
" sun-burnt bricks and mud. In a space of one
" hundred yards square a great many springs rise
" and supply water for a pretty large village. The
" tradition amongst the villagers is, that Solomon
" came here for one night, and said his prayers
" upon the slab, which they think clearly proved
" by his Avriting and seal upon it; the two deep
" holes they suppose to be the sockets to receive
" the poles of his canopy. As the granite has veins

Ixxxvi

MEMOIR OF

'' of other stone in it. some parts are so decom-
" posed as entirely to prevent me from copying
" the inscription so correctly as I Avished. It had
" the appearance more of talismanic or cabalistic
" figures than any written character I have ever
" seen, excej)t that tw-o of the letters or figm'es are
" one of the four sculptures near Shiraz at Mur-
" ghab or Murghan. After sketching the place,
" and copying the sculpture, the villagers took me
" to what they considered a great curiosity, but of
" which they had no tradition. It was two large
" stones, in the form of slabs, which they called
'• the Mother and Daughter. The decomposition
" of the stone had not so destroyed the inscription
" of one but that I was able to make out the name
" of the insci'iber, and the date, although I could
" not discover Avhether it had been meant for a
" tombstone or not. The other stone, which was
" smaller, had a similar form of a temple on the
" centre, but the inscription was entirely defaced.
" The larger stone had the name of Abbas quite
" plain upon it, as also the date in Arabic, with an
" ait from the Kuran. From thence I was taken
" to a spot by the side of a hill, into which you
" descend by a flight of stone steps into a small
" vaulted chamber of stone and mortar, without
'■ any mark of antiquity about it, except a couple
" of indistinct marks, somewhat like those on the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxxvii

" Takht-i-Sulaimau; but I really cannot assert
" that they Avere originally intended for characters,
" or merely accidental marks. The vault is near
'• the present burying-ground of the village, and
" was discovered by a Rish-i-Safid (white beard),
'• or elder of the village, who tkeamt that the
" guardian spirit of that spot appeared and said to
" him, ^ Dig me up, and I'll repay your trouble.'
" They all deny, however, having found anything
" but the stone steps and vault, and thinking it the
" place of interment of some holy man, they light
" lamps there every Friday night, as they do at
" the Takht-i-Sulaiman. My kind guides Avished
" me to visit a wonderful well at some distance,
" which they described to me, but as night was
^•' rapidly advancing, I was obliged to decline
" going. They say it is at the top of a hill, and
" similar to those at Shiraz, except that the time a
" stone takes in getting to the bottom exceeds
" that of Shiraz by an hour or two. Such is the
" accuracy of Persian description. On the top of
" a mountain they pointed out a cave, which, by
" what I coidd gather, appears to have been the
" shaft of a mine formerly worked here,— the only
" thing, however, which I could procure was a
•'• piece of black emery stone."

But the Turkish Ambassador, Jelaladdin Effendi,
was at Hamadan when Sir Gore Ouseley had arrived

Ixxxviii MEMOIR OF

there, and been so honourably received; and his
indignation at honours paid to the representative
of a Christian Power — honours which were withheld
from himself, and which he contrasted with the
humiliations to which European Ambassadors then
submitted in their communications and transac-
tions with the Porte, — excited him to complaints
and remonstrances, which were listened to by
the Persian Ministers with willing ears, and which
resulted in the exposure of Sir Gore Ouseley
to much personal danger. The vanity of the Per-
sian Viziers had been deeply wounded by the claims
of Sir Gore and his persevering and practical
assertion, that England was not an inferior Power
to Persia ; and they determined to humble him by
an intimidation and attempt at violence, which it
required some courage and presence of mind to
defeat.

" 24th June. These three days have been
" most uselessly employed in wrangling about
" etiquette, and, as in former instances, I forced
" the Persians to do in the end what they ought
" and might have done with a good grace. Jela-
" laddin Effendi, the Turkish Ambassador, having
"been treated unceremoniously by the Persian
" Minister, complained bitterly of it, and remarked
" that, whilst he was at Hamadan, Mahomed Hus-
" sein Khan had to istakbal me, although he had

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. Ixxxix

"been treated himself with the greatest neglect.
'^ The Prime Minister and Mirza Buzurg conceived
" in their wisdom that to remedy this, it w as only
" necessary to show me some incivility, or rather,
"want of proper respect; they therefore begged
"me to call at Mirza Shefi's previous to seeing
" the King, for the purpose of consulting upon a
" peace with Russia and settlement of differences
"with Turkey. As the speech of the Turkish
" Minister had been reported to me with the view
" of setting him and me by the ears, I was deter-
" mined to punish their futile plan by turning the
" effect of it on themselves. I accordingly wrote
"back, that had not the speech of the Turkish
" Minister been propagated, I should not have
" stood upon ceremony, but at once have gone to
" Mirza Shefi's tent ; that w ere I to do so now, it
" would be, in fact, subscribing to my own humilia-
"tion before the eyes of a foreign Ambassador,
"which I could never think of doing. I soon
"learned that Mirza Buzurg had been instilling
" calumnious reports into the Shah's ears, and
"' advising him to take the part of his Prime Mini-
" ster and to refuse to see me until I had visited
" Mirza Shefi. The time was critical, and if I
" succumbed in this instance, I saw clearly that all
"hopes of my having influence enough to make

xc

MEMOIR OF

" peace between Russia and Persia would vanish.
" I therefore said that, after His Majesty had
" begged me to stay to see him, his now refusing
"to do so, at the instigation of evil counsellors,
" Avas oflPering an insult to my Sovereign, which I
" should immediately resent by striking my tents
" and quitting his camp ; and that I gave His Ma-
" jesty till the next morning to consider whether
" it w^ere wise or not thus foolishly to break with
" his best friend and most potent ally. The next
" day I was informed that the Shah would see me,

"The conversation began with a vast deal of
" vain boasting and insolence on the part of His
" Persian Majesty, to which I first replied with
" composed firmness and moderation, and, finding
" it not eff'ectual, I was forced to have recourse
" to intimidation and threats. He told me that it
" would appear I came there to make war more
" than peace ; that he was not in any shape afraid
" of us ; and that the utmost would be my leaving
" his Court and dropping his alliance. I informed
"him that, before he dropped our alliance, he
" must indemnify us for the sums of money w^e
" had expended on it ; and that simply dropping
" our alliance, when one party was entirely in
" the wrong, could never satisfy the other party
" whilst it had the power of resenting the breach

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xci

" of the alliance. He asked me how I came to
" insist on his Grand Yizier paying me the first
"visit, which would disgrace him, when I must
" very well know that the Turkish Grand Vizier
" never even returned the visit of our Ambassador
" there. He added some very insulting remarks
"with regard to the indignities shown European
" nations by the Turks. I replied that there had
" existed a system of etiquette at the Porte which,
"although universally reprobated, yet, as it was
^' equally mortifying to all European nations, re-
" quired a particular state of things and the univer-
" sal assent of all those nations to correct it.
" That the correction of it, I knew, had been a mat-
" ter of consideration with His Majesty's Minister
"' when I left England, and that I had no doubt it
" would soon take place, but that I could not allow
"His Persian Majesty to make the etiquette at
" the Porte a standard for that at the Persian
" Court, no more than I could admit that a
" Turkish and Persian Government were on a
" par ; and that I might ask him as well to turn
" Sunni, as he expect me to adopt the etiquette of
" the Porte in Persia. He interrupted me, mth
" marks of rage in his face, by saying that he was
"a much more powerful Prince than the Sultan
" of Turkey. I said that he possibly might be so
" in his own opinion, but that I thought I acted

xcii MEMOIR OF

" with great respect by him when I only insisted
" on having shown me by his Ministers the same
*' distinction and respect as had been showTi by
" His Majesty's Ministers to his representative ;
" distinctions abeady wrangled about, and yielded
"to me on my arrival at Tahran in 1811, and
" subsequently acted upon wdthout debate. He
" asked me, had I the presumption to compare my
" Government with his ? I answered, that my
''presumption never carried me the length of
"making ridiculous comparisons when the truth
"was so manifest, and that I acknowledged no
" Powder on earth, w hether Mussulman or European,
" w^orthy to be compared to my own Sovereign in
" respect of power, real greatness, and respec-
" tability." (The Shah had begun by making very
impertinent remarks upon the comparative con-
temptibility of a limited monarchy.)

The contest ended here, and the Ambassador
shortly afterwards went on to Tabriz. But his
measures and wishes were still regarded with some
degree of coolness and disfavour. He had some
difficulty in persuading the King and his Ministers
to send out of the country Major Dronville, a pre-
tended French deserter, who afterwards attempted
to assassinate him; and on September 1st, the
following conversation took place w ith the Prince
Eoyal, who, notwithstanding his good qualities,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xciii

could not free himself from Persian arbitrariness
and suspicion.

" September 1st, 1813. Tabriz. I waited by
*^ appointment on the Prince at 12 o'clock. After
" a long and tolerably good-humoured discussion
" about a peace with Russia, I accidently said that
" Major D'Arcy delayed his departure until I had
" accounts from Dr. Campbell about the prospect
" we might have of a peace, or otherwise, that
" I might give immediate intelligence to Lord
" Cathcart, the English Ambassador at the Russian
" Court.

" The Prince said, rather passionately, * I hope
" you don't think of sending him by Teflis unless
" there is a peace.'

" Ouseley. — * Your Royal Highness must know
" that peace or war between Persia and Russia
" cannot make any difference to a British subject
" travelling through the latter country.'

" Prince. — * Yes ; but it makes a great diifer-
" ence to me, and I never will allow Major D'Arcy
" to go by the way of Teflis unless peace be con-
" eluded.'

" Ouseley. — 'Major D'Arcy is no longer in your
'' Royal Highness 's service ; and, as a free British
'* subject, may go by any road that he thinks pro-
" per. May I ask what are your Royal Highness's
" objections?'

xciv MEMOIR OF

'^Prince. — 'As Major D'Arcy is acquainted
" with all my force, and the nature of ni}^ army
" and country, his going amongst my enemies must
" be of dangerous consequence, and I shall never
" permit of his going by Teflis.'

" Ouseley. — * Your Eoyal Highness cannot be
" surprised at my expressing the greatest indig-
" nation at such a charge against a gentleman
" of character and respectability who has the
" honour to bear his Majesty's, my Sovereign's,
" commission. If he is openly accused and con-
" victed of being a traitor, I will not only alter
" his route, but send him home to receive the
" punishment of a crime, which, in common Avith
" every Englishman, I hold in abhorrence ; but if it
" should prove to be a foul aspersion, I beg leave
" to inform your Royal Highness that I cannot
" allow so gross a stain to be fixed on one under
" my protection by changing his route at the
" arbitrary caprice of any j)erson, and that Major
" DArcy shall go by Teflis.'

" Prince. — * The result will be then that my
" karawals (border scouts) shall have orders to
" shoot him.'

" Ouseley. — ' Your Royal Highness had better
" take care how you lay violent hands upon an
" Englishman ; nay, how you even indulge in
" threats : there is such a thing as retaliation, and

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xcv

'•' in so wanton an abuse of power, as the present
" retaliation, would be most dreadful. Huncbeds
" of thousands would rue the day that jou lift
" your hand against the life of a British sub-
"ject.' "

The remainder of the conversation is not re-
corded. But the Prince was soon reconciled to
the Ambassador, and seems to have regarded him
with much deference and esteem.

The Ambassador proceeded from Tabriz to
Tahran on the 21st of October. He had the satis-
faction of receiving, whilst on his road, the intelli-
gence that the Treaty of Peace between Russia
and Persia had been signed and sealed by General
RtishefF (it was afterwards ratified by the Emperor
Alexander). He visited several remarkable objects
of curiosity in the course of this journey, the
petrifying springs, and marble (or rather mines of
Shir-i-Amen), and the cave of jMurdi. His de-
scription of these extraordinary phenomena of
nature is interesting. He visited the latter a
second time on his return from Tahran, but his
observations on both occasions will be given
together.

" October, 1813. Finding notice of several
" curious springs in this neighbourhood in the
" eighth volume of Mirkhond's Rozat-as-saffa, I
" made every inquiry necessary, and shaped my

xcvi MEMOIR OF

" course accordingly. About three and half miles
" from our last stage, we came to a chalybeate
** spring close to the road, which appeared to me
" to possess the same inky taste, but in a much
" stronger degree, than the Tunbridge water. It is
" about as hot as new milk. Wlien within two
" miles of this stage we turned oflf to the right, a
" short distance, and came to a place whence a
" great part of Persia is supplied with what they
" call marble. There were several slabs of ten and
" fifteen feet long chizzeled out ready to be carried
" off, and great mounds raised of the chippings ;
" indeed the hills near it seemed all of the same
" substance, which is got by digging about three or
" four feet of the decomposed lamina and earth
" (away) from the surface. T\lien they have dug
" out a certain space, they say, the water rises
" there, and in a few years (but how many they do
" not know, or trouble themselves to ascertain,)
" petrifies, and again becomes marble, as they
" term it, but it is only a petrifaction, from its
" colour and posture, as well as the stalactite ap-
" appearance on its surface. I observed several
" spots covered with a wliite substance like ice,
" high in the middle and shelving down with a fine
" polish to its extremities, which were hard and
" crisp. x\s I approached the centre, my feet
" sunk into the substance and were wetted. In

SIR GORE OUSELEY. xcvii

*' the middle is a spring which bubbles up with
" violence, and flows over the shelving sides, and
" literally seems to harden and petrify as it pro-
" ceeds ; for beyond the ice-like extremities there
" is no moisture, and hence the rise in the centre.
" This continues to accumulate and rise up until
" the spring is choked up, when the whole mass
*' of about ten or twelve square j^ards becomes a
*' spar. We observed several of these in different
" stages of their growth, — some quite liquid,
*' others like half-melted or thawing ice, others
" again hard, and others with a coat of stalactite-
" like wax over them. The water in the spring,
" which bubbled up most violently, and of which I
" took a bottle full, is like Seltzer water, and of a
" moderately cold temperature. ^Hicre chalybeate
" predominates, the colour of the spar becomes
" redder, but in general it is a pure white, l^ear
" this curious spring there is a beautiful view of the
" salt lake of Shahi, or Urumiah, whose waters are
" bitter and contain no fish." — Not far from Murdi,
the Ambassador having heard of a wonderful
cave, procured a guide, and went to see it. ^' It is
" in the side of a very steep and high rocky moun-
^' tain, the ascent to which is inconceivably dif-
" ficult and fatiguing. The first room you enter
" is evidently a natural cave, which has been
" made use of either by shepherds for their cattle

9

XCVlll MEMOIR OF

' or themselves, or tenanted by wild beasts, of
' which we saw marks, both lions and deer.
' From this room a low passage leads to other
' rooms. The situation (of the cave) is truly
' romantic. You approach it by a fissure in the
' mountain, about twenty-five or thirty yards wide,
^ and the ascent is steep. The mountain is
' chiefly composed of a species of reddish
' pudding-stone, strongly coloured by iron ; but
^ in many places you find masses of schistus,
' double black, reddish, and grey, with large
' white veins. The latter, when not much veined,
' resembles the stone on which the figures are
^ sculptured at Persepolis. The only stone much
^used by the natives here is the pudding-stone,
^ of which we saw a number of mill-stones, formed
^and forming. The cave faces nearly the west.
^ The first excavated apartment is about thirty-six
' paces square ; nearly in the centre of its eastern
' side is a second portal, of an irregular form on the
' rock, on which I observed some marks of the chisel.
' This portal is about twenty-five feet high by four-
' teen wide ; beyond this the cave descends to a con-
' siderable distance and depth, but it is impossible
' to explore it, as the mephitic vapour within the
^portal would immediately destroy animal life.
' However, one can go with safety much farther in
'Avinter than in summer, and we went farther

SIR GORE OUSELEY. XCix

'• In by a few feet than Colonel D'Arcy had done
"last year, in consequence of our being here
" earlier in the spring than he was. It seems to be
" carbonic acid gas. On taking up some stones, I
" was sensibly affected by it ; and, although stand-
" ing upright on the brink of the descent at the
" second portal, I perceived nothing more than a
" fresh, damp air. Still, on stooping as low as my
"middle, I was seized by the nose, in a more
"violent manner than the strongest volatile salt
" or eau de luce could have effected. We found
" the body of a SAvallow that had fallen a sacrifice
" to its want of caution, in flying too near the
" ground, close to the second portal ; and beyond
" that, the ground was strewed with feathers and
*^ carcases of birds and insects which had flown too
" far in. The villagers, our guides, reported that
" whenever their sheep or oxen strayed into the
" cave, for shelter from the weather, they inva-
" riably perished. There is a conical rock before
" the second aperture or portal, beyond which you
" cannot pass in hot weather, but we stood for
" some time three or four feet beyond it with
" impunity. We durst not, however, venture down
"the descent; for tying a strong fowl to a pole,
" and lowering it a couple of feet below our own
" level, in a few seconds it appeared to die without
"a struggle. On exposing it again to the fresh

9^

C MEMOIR OF

" air, it made a faint effort to stir its wings, but
" in a few seconds was quite dead."

Shortly after the arrival of the Embassy at
Tahran, the Shah also returning sent for the Am-
bassador, and in his conversation acknowledged
the danger to which the late dispute had exposed
him ; a danger, from which it would seem he had
only been preserved by the influence of the Shah's
amiable disposition, which restrained the ferocity
of his courtiers.

"December 1st. On the 26th November the
" Shah returned, and sent to ask when I meant to
"visit him. I fixed the next day, and went ac-
" cordingly. His Majesty was very kind in his
" manner, and although he still speaks in big terms
" of what he could have done to the Russians, had
"they not made peace, yet he had the candour
" to acknowledge that the making it was, for him,
" very well timed. He mentioned the services I
" had rendered him, but took some merit to him-
" self for the confidence he placed in me, even
" when every one else was against me. He said,

" ' O Ambassador, when you came from Hamadan
" to Sultan f ah, every one of you would have been

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ci

" killed but for the Shah, every one ! ' On inquiry,
" I found that the general idea was at that period,
" that I either meant to fly to the Russians, or that
" an invasion of Persia from India, by my advice,
" was in contemplation ; or that the Shah meant to
" have every Englishman in Persia put to death ;
" and so strongly had the latter report obtained
" credit, that the Governor of Tahran was within
"an inch of seizing on my house and property,
" until a counter report, of my being in great
" favour, luckily arrived in time to prevent spolia-
"tion. JS^obody but those who have been here
" can have any idea of the dreadful life we live
*^ in this barbarous country, where a man's life
'^ and property are not only at the disposal of a
" despot's nod, but even subject to destruction
" from the report of his being unkind."

Sir Gore Ouseley had now fulfilled the objects
of his mission, as far as the Shah was concerned in
them, and his residence in Persia was no longer
required. He, however, did not immediately
return to Europe, but proceeded to Russia, whither
he had been invited by the Emperor Alexander,
and where his presence was desirable, for the pur-
pose of conducting further negotiations and expla-
nations on the part of the British Government.
He took leave of the Shah on the 22nd April,
1814, and began his homeward route without

en MEMOIR OF

reluctance. He remarks : — " Although a person
"who has resided at a place, let it be ever so
"disagreeable, must necessarily feel something
" like regret, particularly when the Shah and the
" nobles of the Empire showed me the most
" marked attention, still, I confess, in lieu of re-
"gret, I feel joy at being these twelve miles
" distant from Tahran. Perhaps the idea of being
" twelve miles nearer home makes my sensations
" different ; but I recollect, on leaving Lucknow
" and Calcutta I was extremely affected, although
" I had England and all its novelty right in view,
"after an absence of sixteen years/' Somewhat
of this unfavourable feeling must be referred to
the consciousness of the discomfort, and even
peril, to which Lady Ouseley and his children were
exposed, during their residence among so fierce a
people, and in a half-ci\dlized country. But the
vices, avarice, insincerity, artfulness, and false-
hood, which were exemplified by too many Per-
sians, were offensive and alien to such a dis-
position as the Ambassador's, and blocked up
those kindly sentiments which none were more
ready than he to feel and to express; and al-
though he doubtless made every allowance for
men who dwelt where truth is often opposed
to life, yet he could not avoid an emotion
of reluctant shame and confusion at being obliged

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CUl

to communicate with such persons. Sir Gore
Ouseley, who excelled in all athletic exercises, could
shoot with the bow, and manage a horse admirably,
and his skill was appreciated by the Persians;
but he sometimes puzzled and perplexed them
by his adherence to the third distinction of their
ancestors, and speaking strict truth*. They could
not (he has declared) at all comprehend sincerity;
they thought the readiness with which the Ambas-
sador replied to questions was the result of the
most perfect duplicity. They were sometimes em-
barrassed and misled by assertions which they
never for one moment accepted in the literal
sense, and they were probably convinced, that the
employment of truth itself was but temporary, and
only designed by its singularity to deceive.

* The reader will probably recollect Izaak Walton's anecdote.
** A friend of Sir Henry Wotton being designed for the employ-
" ment of an Ambassador, came to Eton, and requested from him
" some experimental rules for his prudent and safe carriage in his
" negotiations, to whom he smilingly gave this for an infallible
" aphorism, — ' That to be in safety himself, and serviceable to his
" country, he should always, and upon all occasions, speak the
" truth.' It seems a state paradox, ' For,' says Sir Henry Wotton,
" ' you shall never be believed; and by this means your truth will
" secure yourself if you should ever be called to any account, and
" it will also put your adversaries (who will still hunt counter,)
" to a loss in all their disquisitions and undertakings.' " — Walton's
Life of Sir Henry Wotton.

Sir Henry was probably thinking of the celebrated Spanish

civ MEMOIR OF

Taking leave of the Prince Eoyal at Tabriz on
the 25th May, Sir Gore Ouseley proceeded towards
the frontier. On his road he fell into some
amusing conversation with a Persian gentleman
upon the subject of their superstitions.

" Mirza Abdul Latif rode all the way with me,
** and entertained me with many curious stories ;
" amongst the rest of natural necromancers, and
" those who have studied the black art in books,
" and performed the ^chileh,' or forty days' soli-
" tude, fasting and incantations. He himself
" happened to be well acquainted with one of each
" kind : The first, whose name is Farazi, lives at
" Tahran ; and I recollect that Mirza Shefi men-
" tioned him to me, although, by accident, I never
" sent for him whilst there, probably from the
" conviction of the business being rank non-
" sense. He professes to be able to tell you
" the names of any person which you may write
" down and put under your hat or pillow : he also
" describes him exactly, and tells you where he
" is at that moment." (His knowledge does not
extend to futurity.) " If you take out anything

general the Marquis Spinola, who being requested by Henry IV.
of France to inform him of the plan of a campaign against the
Dutch, told the exact truth. Henry wrote to Prince Maurice of
Nassau the direct contrai'y, which information of course misled
the latter.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CV

" from your pocket, and conceal it in your hand,
" he'll immediately tell you what it is ; and if you
" ask him to bring sugar, paper, or anything
" which you may be assured he has not about him,
" or in the room, he reaches with his hand, and
" instantly produces it.

" Of a hundi'ed anecdotes which I have heard
" of tliis man, I will only relate two. IVIirza Abdul
" Latif went from Tahran to Tabriz, where he had
" left a friend named Haji-Ali-Asker, who shortly
" after left Tabriz also, without informing the
" Mirza. To try Farazi's powers, and at the same
'^ time gratify himself, when in a party with him,
" he privately wrote down his friend's name, and
" put the bit of paper under the pillow he was
" leaning upon, he (then) asked Farazi about the
" person whose name he had written, and he re-
" plied (although he had never seen him) ' He is
" a corpulent man, with light blue eyes and black
" beard, wears a Mullah's turban and blue kaba
" baghali ; he is now at Kuli, in the house of
" his relation, Sultan Ali Muhammed, and his name
" is Haji-Ali-Asker.' He next asked Farazi what
" he had in his hand, and he said, ' An European
" pen-knife ; ' and he lastly asked him for a large
" lump of sugar, which he immediately produced by
" holding his hand up in the air. To the truth of
^' this, Mirza Abdul Latif will take his .oath, and

cvi MEMOIR OF

" although he only relates the following one from
" hearsay, he appears equally satisfied of the truth
" of it. The Shah, it appears asked Firuz Shah,
" (the deposed King of the Afghans who took
" refuge in Persia) if he ever saw in Kabul a
" person of Farazi's wonderful powers, to which he
" answered in the negative, and expressed some
" doubt of the possibility of it. The Shah sent
" for Farazi and desired Firuz to write down the
" name of some acquaintance, which he did, and
" placed it under his masnad, or cushion. On
" ax)plying to Farazi, he said, * She is a middle-
" aged woman, handsome face, black eyes, long
" hair, and small hands and feet ; she is now in
" Kandahar, and her name is Zinat-ul-Mssa.'

" Firiiz was quite astonished to hear his favourite
" wife so exactly described, and still more so, when
" Farazi, in reply to the Shah, said that he could
' immediately bring her before them. Firuz Shall,
" greatly alarmed, begged the Shah for God's sake
" not to insist on this proof of his skill, which, of
" course, was granted ; and then Firuz asked the
" man how he could possibly bring a person who
" was 800 or 900 miles distant ; he answered that
" he could not bring her in person, but could
«' produce such a likeness of her, that he could
" swear to her being his own wife.

" This Farazi is wo^ a juggler, nor in any way a

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cvii

" clever man ; on the contrary, he is generally
" reckoned a little mad, and partly an idiot, and
" some go so far as to describe the means by which
" he acquired his consummate art. He was walking
" in a plain, or desert, when he saw a wolf with
" a child in its mouth ; — motives of humanity
" tempted him to pursue the wolf a considerable
" distance, and he eventually succeeded in rescuing
" the innocent, which he took up in his anns, and
" intended to take home. Suddenly, men and
" women, parents and relations of the infant,
" appeared before him, and, after thanking him
" for his generous humanity, desired him to ask
" any boon he wished, that they (being Jins)
" could and would grant immediately. He said
" he had no particular wish, but that if they
" thought his act of piety to an innocent child
" deserved anything, they also were the best
'^judges of what they should confer upon him.
" They then gave him the art he possesses.

" The second personage, or necromancer, now
'* dead, was an enameller at Ispahan, named
"Mirza Taki, who could produce any thing or
*^ person that was required from him. Mirza
"Abdul Latif supped with him one night, when
" only six guests had been invited, consequently not
" much meat was dressed. A number of travellers
" arrived in Ispahan just as the six sat dovai to

cviii MEMOIR OF

"supper, and being friends of Mirza Tald's, he
" made them come in and sit down, to the number
" of fiftj-six. Abdul Latif was anxious to know
" from whence the supper for so many people was
" to come, and was greatly astonished to find that,
"' without the help of servants or cooks, he put his
" hand out towards a purdah, and pulled out trays
" after trays of meat and sweetmeats, by the sole
" assistance of his obedient Jins. On asking the
" fate of this JVIirza Taki, Abdul Latif said that he
" once went, for a forty days' watching, incan-
" tation, and abstinence from meat (as was often
" his custom), into a solitary cave, into which he
"took a sufficiency of food and dispensed with
"all attendance. At the end of the forty days
" his servant went for him, and found him hanging,
"and quite dead; but whether this was the act
" of himself, or his friends the Jins, they could not
"tell."

After a most honourable reception at Erivan,
by the almost independent Chief, Hasan Khan
Kajar, the Governor of that pro\ince, the Ambas-
sador proceeded towards Mount Ararat, and arrived
on June 15th, 1814, at the celebrated Armenian
convent of Uch Kalisia (Forty Chm'ches), or Ich
Miazzin (Descent of the Only Begotten). Here
the Embassy was met by the Patriarch, attended
by his bishops, priests, and laymen (lie being a

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cix

temporal Chief as well as a spiritual ruler), in
robes of gold and silver brocade, with silver
enamelled tiaras, crosiers, crosses, censers, flags
(banners), candlesticks, &c. Padre Serafino (men-
tioned by Sir William Ouseley) acted as inter-
preter, and the procession, after meeting and
saluting Sir Gore, went on amidst chanting and
peals of bells to the principal church, where the
Patriarch offered prayers, and gave his benediction
to Lady Ouseley and her children. The party
having viewed the splendid ornaments of the
church were indulged with a sight of the relics
enshrined there, consisting of the spear with which
they alleged our Saviour was pierced, to which
they attributed miraculous virtue ; a finger of St.
Kayanne (St. Keyna, or St. Kinnia), a hand of
the Ai'menian apostle, St. Gregory, and the scalp
of St. Repsime. In the midst of the church is
a raised space, paved with mosaic, said to be the
place where our Lord appeared to St. Gregory.
The Ambassador and suite then ascended to the
Patriarch's apartment, and drank tea. His
Holiness was invited to dine with the Am-
bassador, but as it was a fast-day he was unable
to accept the invitation. He however joined the
party after dinner, "and drank claret, port,
"and madeira, in a very liberal manner." He
had been a great traveller, and had been in

ex

MEMOIR OF

Calcutta during the Government of Wai'ren Hast-
ings. At Bash Abrdn the Ambassador was met
bj a troop of Cossacks, sent to welcome and
conduct him into the Eussian dominions, and on
21st June, he remarks, " I took leave of Mr.
" Morier, (to whom I gave over charge of the
" Embassy yesterday,) and of Dr. Sharp, and now
" I feel as if quite liberated from Persia."

Upon Sir Gore Ouseley's approach to Teflis, the
capital of Georgia, he was received by a squadron
of Eussian dragoons, and parties of Armenian
and Georgian Princes. General de Etischiff, the
Governor-General, received them with great dis-
tinction. He was compelled to converse through
an interpreter, but was not the less friendly or
hospitable and convivial. He entertained the
party with a Eussian breakfast, at which he pro-
posed many toasts, drank much wine, and made
many flattering speeches, and next day came
uninvited at the Ambassador's dinner hour, re-
questing permission to join the party. " After
" a most loving conversation, in which we vowed
*' eternal friendship, and sealed our vows with
" a number of bottles of claret, the General, with
" great reluctance, got up at half-past ten o'clock,
" and drove back to Teflis." The General repeated
his friendly visit at dinner a few days afterwards ;
was merry, and stayed late. On the 3rd July

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxi

there was a review in honour of the Ambassador.
The General explained to the troops the services
rendered by the former to Eussia and to himself,
and invited them to cheer him. After breakfast,
Sir Gore Ouseley's health was drunk, guns were
fired, and the whole regiment hurraed. About
twenty grenadiers then commenced singing their
national song with the accompaniment of a very
curious Eussian instrument resembling a short
hautboy, " when the old General, with the activity
" of a youth, took out a grenadier, and danced
" a species of fandango with him, which astonished
" UB all, particularly the Persians," (two Persian
gentlemen were present,) "the words, gestures,
" and grimaces, being quite novel and curious."

These festivities, and the hospitable attentions
of the kind old General, were clouded by an
unfortunate accident. A violent storm of rain
which continued the whole night, inundated the
camp, and wetted the baggage, injuring not only
the valuable presents brought for the Prince
Eegent and the Eoyal Family of England, but
also the MSS. collected in Persia with much care,
and at a great expense. It was a mortifying
occurrence, and a serious disappointment.

The Embassy Extraordinary to Persia may be
said to have ended with the festivities of Teflis.
It would be presumptuous to attempt a commenda-

CXll MEMOIR OF

tion of the public conduct of Sir Gore Ouseley
during this memorable period, since the Prince
Regent and the Ministry at home, as well as the
authorities of the East India Company, concurred
in the highest approbation of his proceedings under
circumstances of peculiar intricacy and difficulty.
His candour and discrimination enabled him to
heal the apparent breach between the English and
Indian Government, and to reconcile interests
which had unfortunately seemed for awhile to clash.
His firmness and caution succeeded in rescuing
the English name from some degradation, and in
obtaining for his country her due rank in a nation
where honour, and rank, and boldness, is power.
He may be thought to have insisted too unbend-
ingly upon points of ceremony and etiquette ; but
in Persia these points were realities, and if he had
once yielded, the Ministers of the Shah would un-
doubtedly have pressed further concessions, until
they reduced the Ambassador to the level of a
messenger bearing gifts and tribute from a subject
king. Yet his spirit and courage in repelling
insulting pretensions or menaces never degenerated
into continued bitterness or resentment. He ap-
pears readily to have embraced an honourable
opportunity of reconciliation, and forgetting those
haughty and contemptuous expressions which
the generosity of the strong can afford to endure

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxiii

from the weak, was, after his irritating discussions,
soon again on friendly terms with the Shah and
the Prince. " Superbiam, verborum presertim,
" iracundi oderunt, prudentes inrident."

But one of Sir Gore's accomplishments, which
seemed at once to exercise his confidence in nego-
tiation, and to remove difficulties and objections
from the minds of those with whom he had to deal,
was his readiness in speaking and composing ele-
gant Persian. The Shah and his JVIinisters under-
stood clearly the nature of liis requests, and finding
them seconded by firmness and sincerity, were
better disposed to yield them. As the chief of an
Embassy he appears to have acted with kindness
and much regard. Esteem, and even attachment,
appears to have existed towards liim in the family
of which he was the head. He parted from them
with regret, and especially felt the loss of the
society of Captain Willock, regarding whom he
expressed himself in terms of afi'ection and praise.
The Ambassador aff'orded every opportunity to the
gentlemen of his suite of prosecuting antiquarian
and classical researches. In these he was emi-
nently qualified to advise and assist. In selecting
his very learned and distinguished brother, Sir
William Ouseley, for the office of private secretary,
he performed a public service whilst promoting his
own comfort and happiness. Before this Embassy,

h

cxiv MEMOIK OF

few very complete, and no very recent accounts of
the history, antiquities, or manners of Persia
existed; and if the labours of Malcolm, Morier,
and Ouseley shortly after this period removed this
literary deficiency, we must acknowledge that it
was to the care and affection of the Ambassador that
the public is indebted for the opportunities of
research which produced the delightful work of the
latter. It was perhaps from his readiness to pro-
mote the literary labours of others, and from liis
acquaintance with the results of their exertions,
that Sir Gore published nothing himself. He was
satisfied to have afforded opportunities for research,
and was willing that those, who had he knew suc-
cessfully pursued it, should enjoy an undivided
praise. And he may have been deterred by the
dread, sometimes felt by men of modest minds and
extensive information, lest they should find that
which they have to write already written.

Sir Gore appears to have been attentive to
those who were in his service. He was mindful
of their welfare, felt for and visited them in
sickness, and promoted their interests. He en-
tertained devout sentiments, and exj^ressed a
regard for the duties of religion. He mentions
with great feeling the emotion with which he
was affected when, for the first time, it was
necessary for him to perform the Burial Service,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CXV

and which prevented him from proceeding. He
frequently records expressions of devout grati-
tude towards the providence and goodness of God.
He was, unfortunately, — although an Ambassador
of such high rank, and deputed to originate pre-
cedents in Persia, — unaccompanied, at first, by a
chaplain ; an omission which must have conveyed
to the Persians the impression, either that the
English possessed no priesthood or rites, or that
their knowledge of the doctrines, and fulfilment
of the duties of their Church, rendered them supe-
rior to the aids of religious offices, ceremonies, or
teaching. Mr. Canning was afterwards appointed
chaplain, and accompanied Sir Gore Ouseley to
St. Petersburgh. But the Ambassador records
that, before the arrival of the chaplain, he read
prayers to his suite, and he readily availed himself
of the services of Mr. Martyn, who, during the
stay of the Embassy at Shiraz, occasionally cele-
brated divine service. And as no modern embassy,
we may conclude, has been more distinguished, so,
probably, none could be conducted with greater
respectability, dignity, and candour.

The Shah of Persia seems to have admired him
not only on account of his literary character, but
also for his truth and friendship. Upon one occa-
sion, Sir Gore, going to visit the Court, perceived
his friend Mirza Abul Hasan Khan (the Persian

h 2

CXVl MEMOIR OF

Ambassador), standing with his head uncovered in
the sun, and was informed that he was in disgrace
and Avas shortly to lose his head. It appeared
that, whilst conversing with the Shah upon the
wonders which he had seen in England, he had
described the Post-office establishment, the manner
in which letters were transmitted, and the revenue
hence derived. The Shah was upon this violently
enraged with the Mlrza, whom he accused of
mocking him by a gross falsehood, and condemned
him to death for the offence. Sir Gore, having
heard this account, proceeded to the Presence,
where he embraced an opportunity of expressing
his regret at the disgrace of his friend : the Shah
told him the cause ; upon which Sir Gore immedi-
ately confirmed all that Abul Hasan had said.
The Shah possessed such confidence in the Ambas-
sador's veracity, that he even believed, on his
authority, the existence of the wonderful establish-
ment which had been described. He restored the
Mirza to favour, and, after some meditation, asked
the Ambassador " whether he loved him." The
Ambassador expressing his devotion to His Majesty's
interests, the Shah (who imagined that he could
perceive the source of unbounded revenue and the
means of ascertaining all his subjects' secrets,) re-
plied, " Then give me a post-office."

Upon another occasion, Mr. Willock begin

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxvii

dangerously ill^ Sir Gore was deeply grieved ; and
a report having been spread that he had died, the
Shah, knowing the Ambassador's kindness of heart,
was desirous to prepare him for the intelligence by
a sight which would, he imagined, so transport and
enrapture him, as to deaden all other emotions.
The Shah very seldom allowed his magnificent re-
galia and collection of precious stones, of immense
value, to be inspected, but he then directed that
Sir Gore should be admitted to enjoy the dazzling
sight. " Let him look at them," he said, " and
" forget his grief."

The journey of Sir Gore Ouseley from Teflis to
St. Petersburgh, — the difficult passage over the
Caucasus, — the threatened attack of the Circas-
sians, and the honours with which he was received
in Russia, are described in the following extracts
from his diary : —

" Ghartizkar ; 27 Versts.

" Thursday, July 7th, 1814— (Thermometer 80 .)
" Conceiving that everything was ready for our
" departure, I got up at four o'clock ; but when we
" began to load our last boxes of personal baggage,
*' we found that there were three carts deficient.
" In fact the Russians appear to be from their
" infancy so accustomed to what an Englishman
" would call cruel inconvenience, that they had no

cxviii MEMOIR OF

" conception of the comforts we required. We at
" length made shift to load about seventeen or
" eighteen boxes on Kozak horses, when General
" de Rtischew came to take leave of us : his civility
" and urbanity passes all description, but the good
" man does not properly comprehend what would
" render his guests comfortable. At eight o'clock
" we set off in the following order : — three tents
" and some of the baggage, with twenty-five Kozaks
" and a company of infantry ; my led horses with
" an escort of fifty Kozaks ; a coach with four
" horses abreast, and four others two by two, sur-
" rounded by Kozaks to assist upon the emergencies
" which were constantly arising either of bad tackle,
" steep hills, or broken bridges, — in this was our
" little boy and the two maids ; next was my o^vn
" carriage and four horses with Lady Ouseley,
" Janie, and myself; next a kaleska with eight
" horses, for Canning and Dr. Campbell ; next
" a britska and eight wdth the kitchen and the
" Europeans ; next, another britska, mth Abdullah
" and baggage, and sixteen waggons, with baggage
" of all kinds, brought up the rear, with a gun and
'' a battalion of infantry. Our escort of Kozaks
" exceeded two hundred.

" The old General and General Aknendoff" and
" their staffs accompanied us about eight versts
" from Teflis, and took leave. I confess I never

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxix

" set out on a journey with so heavy a heart ; not
" because I regretted leaving Teflis, the seat of
" plague, pestilence, &c., but because I felt almost
" certain that I should have a most disagreeable
"journey of it, accompanied as I am by two
" children, and Lady Ouseley. However, after
" the Rotuls of Busheher, and the experience
" I have had of difficulties diminishing as you
" approach them, I trust that the same gracious
" Power who has hitherto protected us, will still
" favour us.

" The roads, in consequence of the late violent
" rains, are very bad ; but as we travelled ex-
" tremely slow, and the di'ivers are very cautious,
" it is not of much consequence. Our road ap-
" pears certainly cut out of the rocky banks of the
" River Kur, as far as the ancient city of Skitah,
" twenty-one versts ; when we crossed the river
" over a bridge, partly of wood and the rest of
" stone, the whole of singular construction and
" most romantically situated. In fact the whole
" of the road, and particularly the last part on both
" sides, is very beautiful ; and the Kur, even up
" here, is larger and deeper than the Thames at
" Windsor. The first village we met was Deghma,
" about nine versts from Teflis, where there is
" a battalion of infantry encamped. The next
" about three versts further, on the opposite side

cxx MEMOIR OF

" of the Kiir, is Abcherun ; but both are the same
" kind of villages we had before seen, composed of
" hovels, half caves, and the rest huts or bivouacs.
" Our route tended to north, a little westerly,
" but was provokingly devious, in consequence
" of the winding of the river, and the height of
" tlie mountains. At about eighteen versts from
" Teflis we came to a point where the Aragui and
" the Kur unite their streams ; at which place was
" situated the ancient metropolis of Georgia,
" SJcitaJi, which continued such until about one
" thousand years ago, when one of the Kings of
" Georgia, when out hunting, discovered the
" famous mineral springs of Teflis, and built a
*' city there. At Skitah we saw the first church in
" Georgia, built, as I was informed by the priest,
" who showed us the interior of it, fifteen hun-
" dred years ago, and dedicated to a saint called
" Kina. It is a very beautiful church, built of cut
" stone, with a vast quantity of ornamental sculp-
" ture about the windows and arches. The college
" and monastery adjoining to it are in ruins, and
" even a part of the church is dilapidated, and some
'' part of the sculpture defaced in consequence
" of the decomposition of the stone. On entering
" the church you perceive a colossal painting
" fronting you at the opposite end, and on inquiring
" into the object of this ludicrous caricature, you

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxi

" are gravely informed that it is a likeness of
" Jesus Christ. As the priests put on their ponti-
" ficals to receive us, and brought out a superb
" enamelled cross to give me a benediction, I was
" obliged to give them a few ducats. In the body
" of the chm'ch they show you the tombs of
" Heraclin Khan and his son Gurgin, and others of
" their Kings.

" There is still a more ancient church, about a
" quarter of a mile from St. Nina's, dedicated to
" St. George, which they assured me had been
" built seventeen hundi-ed years ago ; and there is
" also a very picturesque monastery and chapel,
" on the other side of the Aragui, built on what
" appears from this side a high and inaccessible
" rock, of which I took a drawing. Two companies
" and a gun were di'a^^Ti out to receive me at our
" stage, which is called Ghurtizkur, a small post to
" keep up the communication through the line of
" Caucasus. We were seven hours coming what I
*• conceive to be a distance of no more than
" eighteen miles."

" DusHET ; 22 Yersts.

" Friday, July 8th, 1814 — (Thermometer
" 70°.) Our road to-day lay through a beautiful
" country. Hills, valleys, dales, wood, river, and
" most luxuriant cultivation; but as it is liable to

cxxii MEMOIR OF

" the incursions of the Leyzars of Daghistan, we
" were obliged to move very slow, with a gun in
" front and another in our rear ; we were, there-
" fore, six hours making about twenty-two versts.
" A Georgian Prince with whom I had made
" acquaintance last night by asking him in to take
" a glass of wine after dinner, escorted us. He is
" either brother or first cousin to Bagration, a
" General in the Eussian service, who resisted the
" French so successfully and died so nobly at the
" battle of Borodino. He seemed melancholy and
" dejected, but thanked me most gratefully for
" having obtained the pardon and recall of some
" of his friends from Siberia."

" Pasananor ; 36 Versts.

" Saturday, July9th, 1814— (Thermometer 68°.)
" Our route to-day lay through a still more beau-
" tiful country than yesterday; but it was very
'* tedious marching, both because it was a constant
" succession of steep hills, and because we were
" obliged to have advanced guards and scouts to
" look out for the Leyzars. The town of Ananor,
" or rather a fortified church and monastery, broke
" upon us suddenly in the most picturesque man-
" ner possible, and aff'ords the finest subject for a
" painter. To this place it is fifteen versts; we
" were, therefore, obliged to halt for a couple of

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxiii

" hours to rest the infantry, and took the oppor-
" tunity of pitching a tent and eating our break-
" fast, which we were enabled to do in a most
" comfortable manner by a present of well dressed
^' salmon and the best butter I have eaten since I
" left England, which the Major-Commandant of
" Ananor sent us, after having first asked us to go
" to his house to breakfast. Although only half-
" past seven o'clock when we sat down to break-
" fast, the officers of our escort, who went in our
" stead to breakfast with the Commandant, made
" use of their time so well, that they came back
" almost drunk. Not far from Ananor is a ruined
" church, built on a very high and precipitous
'• mountain, like most of the churches and monas-
" teries which I have seen in this part of Georgia,
" and they account for this choice of situation by
" reciting the most shocking instances of rapine
" and murder for which this country has been
" always famous. And as the churches are very
" rich, they are generally surrounded by a strong
" stone wall, flanked with round towers, and many
" of them have lately been turned into fortresses
" by the Russians.

" About sixteen versts from Ananor we saw
" the ruins of a castle which had belonged to the
" head of a notorious banditti, but was lately
" blown up by the Russians. Six men in this

CXXIV MEMOIR OF

" castle could not only plunder every caravan
" passing, but even often stopped the marcli of
" armies, as it was inaccessible by the impervious
" forest on the back of it, and being on a steep
^^ rock frowning over the road, which is here pent
" up by the rapid Aragui running close at the foot
" of it, the capture of it was very difficult until
" the pioneers cleared some of the forest on the
" back, and thus commanding the castle shot all
" the robbers in it.

" Pasananor is merely a post with wretched
" huts for soldiers, palisaded all round, and close
" to the river's side. Gurgin Beg, the nephew of
" the Prince of Ghazi Beg, whose territory
" extends from hence to the end of Caucasus, a
" staunch friend of the Russians, came a few miles
" from this stage to meet me, and presented me
" with a sheep. He is a cheerful old man, and
" has now the rank of Lieutenant-General in the
" Russian service. He apologized for his uncle
" the Prince, a very old man, (with the rank of
" Major-General,) who is at present unwell, but
" he hopes to be able to meet me on the third
" day's march from hence.

" The Russian soldiers to-day during a march
" of altogether thirteen hours through deep clay
" and steep hills, and half the time raining, showed
" the greatest cheerfulness and patience I ever

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxv

" witnessed. Nay, conceiving that we must have
" felt tired of our tedious march, they surrounded
" my carriage after I exchanged my horse for it,
" and sung national glees and catches and choruses
" all the way to amuse us."

" Keshour ; 19 Versts, 7 Hours.

"Sunday, July 10th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 64°). We started very early, but did not per-
" form a march of only twelve miles in less than
" seven hours. The country all the way, but
" particularly on the left bank of the Aragui, was
" well cultivated on the sides of the mountains,
" from which the people had cleared away the
" woods, and every quarter of a mile there was a
" small village, most romantically situated, al-
" though always of steep and difficult access.
" After skirting the Aragui for about sixteen
" versts, we crossed over to its left bank by a
" strong wooden bridge, on pediments of masonry,
" built by the Russians, and immediately com-
" menced climbing the Caucasus. The ascent in
" a few places is steep, but the road is excellent,
" and must have cost immense sums of money
" to the Russian Grovernment. It was made by
" General Duniskin, of the engineer service, whom
" I had seen at Tefiis. Each carriage was dragged
" by eighteen or twenty soldiers in addition to the

CXXViii MEMOIR OF

" Kobi is a most miserable \illage, although an
" army station; and wet as om- tents were, we pre-
" ferred them and om* carriages to any house we
" could procure there.

" The Prince of the country between Ananor
" and Vladi Kaukas, generally kno^Ti by the name
" of Ghazi Beg, sent his son to meet me, and about
" five in the evening old Ghazi Beg himself made
" his appearance. He is a most respectable look-
" ing old man, about sixty years old, tall and thin,
" and said to be worth half a million of roubles,
" made by his connexion with Russia, in contracts,
" and furnishing supplies and carriage cattle,
« &c., &c.

" His address is that of a gentleman, and
" although we were obliged to converse through an
^' interpreter, I could see that he had learned to
" say flattering things. He apologized for not
" coming to meet me sooner, having been unwell;
" and when I said that his coming so far even as
" sixteen versts from his own house was much more
" than I had any right to expect ; he replied, that
" exclusive of the particular request of General
" Rtischew to show me every attention, he was
" himself most happy to be allowed to thank in
" person the British Ambassador who had given
" peace to the whole of the Caucasian tribes. He
^' then presented me with a dish of fine trout; and

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxix

" as it rained hard, and I was in my carriage, he
" on horseback, I begged him to house himself in
^^ the village.

" His principality contains about two thousand
" families of 'Oss (Ossi), and a few Georgians on
" the left bank of the Terek and Tusti, Pashon,
" Khousur, Kodamakari, and others on the right
" bank. Three hundred families of the above are
" idolaters, and the remainder, like Grhazi Beg him-
" self, Christians of the Georgian persuasion."

" Ghazi Beg; 16 Yersts, 6 Hours.

"Tuesday, July 12th, 1844— (Thermometer
" Q2°.^ The morning was fair, and I rode on
" horseback, attended by the Caucasian Prince
" Ghazi Beg, who entertained me very much
" through the interpretation of Agha Beg. We
" passed a number of small villages on both banks
" of the Terek; our road lay on the right bank.
" About a mile from Ghazi Beg, (which is the
" name of his capital, as \yell as his o^mi title,)
" we crossed the river Snoskali over a wooden
" bridge. It is here as large as the Terek, which
" it joins near Ghazi Beg, and loses its name.

" The mountains to-day on both sides were
" more rocky and barren than those we left be-
" hind, and there is scarcely a tree to be seen.
"The Caucasus, through Avhich we passed yester-

i

cxxx MEMOIR OF

" day, although much liigher than these, and the
" tops of it white with snow, is green to the very
" summit. Here, however, the landscape is very
" sublime, and at Arshu (a mile or two from Ghazi
" Beg.) there are some very picturesque water-
" falls. We stopped to brealvfast half-way, at the
" foot of a rock, on which a church and castle are
" built, called Sion, which is a beautiful subject for
" a drawing.

" Shortly after we reached our stage it began
" to rain, and continued so with short intermissions
" all day.

" Ghazi Beg sent me a present of a sheep, a
" cheese, some butter, cream, milk, bread, and
" eggs.

" The mountains from Kobi to this stage ex-
" hibit basaltic columns both perpendicular and
" horizontal, and a fine kind of black chalk and
" black schistus abound in them. The soil is a jet
" black, and the schistus here and there contains

" squares and lozenges of , of the colour

" of brass, of which a man w ith a pick-axe and
" hammer might collect twenty or thirty pounds'
" weight in a day.

" We seized the opportunity of an hour's ces-
" sation of rain to climb up a part of the schistus
" mountain behind us, from whence we had afineview^
" of the highest mountain in Caucasus, which, like the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxxi

" lord of it and his principal town, is called Gliazi
" Beg. Near the summit there is a ver}^ pictu-
" resque-looking chm-ch, and monastery and castle ;
" the former is called Stepen Smindu, or Holy
" Stephen, by which name also the mountain is
" generally known. Old Ghazi Beg told me that
" two German engineers had taken the heights of
" all the mountains between the Caspian and
" Black Seas, and declared that this is by far the
" highest of the whole range. The capital of this
" principality is a small village of about eighty
" houses, partly built of stone, and partly holes
'' dug and covered in with branches of trees. The
" Prince's house has a square inclosed, but the
" whole forms a very mean residence, such as a
" common farmer in England would not put up
" with."

" Lars ; 18 Yersts, 7^ Hours.

"Wednesday, July 13th, 1814— (Thermome-
" ter 66°). We passed through the capital of
" Ghazi Beg, and I sent the aide-de-camp Papoof
" to inquire after the old Prince's health, and was
" sorry to find he was much worse and not able to
'^ get off his bed. His son and nephew, however,
" accompany us. Our road lay by the Terek's
" side, through immense fissures through the
" mountains, and must have been made at an

i 2

Cxl MEMOIR OF

" MosDocK ; 42 Versts, 8 J Hours.

« Sunday, July 17th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 84° in the house.) We set off earlier than usual,
" but having four guns and a very large force of
" infantry, we did not reach the banks of the Terek
" opposite this place before half-past twelve, when
" the heat was very overcoming. Numbers of
" people came to meet and welcome me, and even
" the Colonel-Commandant, whose wife was at the
" point of death, came down to the river, and after
" we crossed on rafts, he harnessed his own horses
** in our carriage, and sent us to an excellent house
" in the city, which was prepared for us, under a
" royal salute from the ramparts.

" The whole of the inhabitants, civil and mili-
" tary, Russians, Georgians, Armenians, and Cir-
" cassians, came to wait upon me, and were sever-
" ally introduced by the Commandant, whom 1
" shortly after requested to go and attend on his
" dying wife. We then had a collation of fruit
" and wines, &c.

" The Terek here is very broad, having had the
" tribute of five streams since we parted from it
" near Elisabeth Redoubt. Mosdock, which, even to
" its churches, is entirely built of wood, seems a
" thriving town, but the other side of the river, up
" to Vlatli Caucas, is a complete desert, I fear like

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxli

'' many other provinces conquered by the Russians.
" I cannot conceive what their system is, or rather
" what they mean by pursuing the plan they have
" hitherto done. For so far from finding excuses
" for the depopulating measures they pursue, they
" speak of it rather mth some degree of compla-
" cency.

" Looking over one of the finest plains my eyes
" ever beheld, near Constantine Redoubt, I re-
" marked to a Russian Major, who was near me,
" the luxuriance of the pasture, and richness of the
" soil as far as our sight could reach all about, and
" expressed my surprise that it was not inhabited.
" The Major took me to the top of the hill and
" said, * When first we came here, about twelve years
"ago, the whole plain was covered with villages,
" but at present there is not one in a hundred
" square miles.' In telling this there appeared a
" greater proportion of self-applause than shame
"e\4dent!"

" Mosdock, Monday, July 18th, 1814 — (Thermo-
" meter 84°). I went this morning to see the sub-
" urbs of this town, in which the Circassians live,
" and near it saw a camp of gipsies (Chinguris) the
" women of whom danced for us, something in the
" style of the Benur's dance in India. I after-
" wards returned the visit of the Commandant, and
" then set about my preparations for departure.

CXXXii MEMOIR OF

enormous expense, as throughout we saw marks
of the chisel and blasting. We stopped to
breakfast at Darial, now a dismantled fort, at
the foot of which, on the right bank, the Eus-
sians had built a wooden house and barracks, and
kept a post of one hundred soldiers. The whole
road is strikingly romantic, and pines and Scotch
firs grow up the steepest rocks. We crossed the
Terek at Darial over an excellent wooden bridge,
built by the Russians, just below which the
waters of the Terek are increased by a beautiful
transparent stream from its right bank, called
Khadi Skali. The river here is very deep and
impetuous.

" About two versts from Darial, the Russians
have been obliged to blast and chisel away a
vast quantity of rock, to form a road on the
river's side ; for the old one, used by the natives
formerly, is now impassable for every thing, and
never, perhaps, was passable for more than foot
passengers, and for them must have been ex-
tremely dangerous and terrific. This day's
march is reckoned the most dangerous, both
with respect to road and robbers, of all our
journey, but it is also the most interesting. In
one part the carriages pass under an arch cut
out of the solid rock.

" AVe reached Lars at 12 o'clock, but en-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxxiii

" camped about a verst beyond it. It is a very
" curious old native fort, now inhabited by the
" Oss Chief, Jam Khaat Beg, who met us at
" Ananor.

"Above it the Russians had built a post for
" troops. At every fort which I have passed since
" I left Teflis, the Commandant has waited on me
" with a report, and to ask for orders. Last night,
" at Grhazi Beg, the convoy apprehended an attack.
" They doubled the sentinels, and were calling out
^* * All 's well ' the whole night long. JS'everthe-
" less an attempt was made to carry off some
" of my Arab horses ; but on the sentinels firing
" at the robbers, they fled into the mountains.

" This evening I perceive similar marks of
" apprehension and caution in our escort. Pic-
" quets have been sent out to all the mountains
" that command our camp, and parties patrolling
'^ at stated distances."

" Yladi Caucas ; 25 Versts, 7 Hours.

" Thursday, July 14th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 72°.) A report was made to me this morning, that
" a convoy of nine soldiers and one Kozak with the
" post from Teflis to St. Petersburgh had been yes-
" terday attacked near Darial by thirty men of the
" Kust tribe, who carried off two Russians and one
" Kozak captain, killed two Russians, and wounded a

cxxxiv MEMOIR OF

" third, wlio told the circumstance to the Governor
" at Darial, who ran out to assist on hearing the
" reports of muskets. These banditti, it appears,
" had lain in ambush for me or my baggage, or to
" cut off any stragglers from our party, but seeing
" our force and the compact manner in -which we
" marched, had not risked an attack.

" All last night the picquets and sentinels were
" on the alert, and this morning, in crossing a
" valley called Soimi, I observed some fright in our
" escort, and reconnoitring parties were sent out
*• to the neighbouring hills, l^o attack was made
" however. Our road still lay on the banks of the
" Terek, now considerably increased in magnitude,
" and the rocky banks of it still show the industry
" and perseverance of the Russians in cutting
" through rocks and mountains.

" We stopped to breakfast at Balta, a village
" most delightfully situated on the left bank of the
" river. It was here that Graaf Godovitch lost
" his secretary, who whilst the General was break-
" fasting near the village, went on the hill above
" it to view the beautiful scenery, and was in-
" stantly seized by a party of Oss or Circassians,
" and sold as a slave, and he has never since been
" heard of.

" We continued on the left bank of the Terek
'' until about four versts of Vladi Caucus, when we

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxxv

" bid adieu to the hills and entered the finest plain
" I ever saw, with grass growing most luxuriantly
" up to the horse's belly.

" General AdrianofF, who commands the line
" from Mosdock to Anano, came out to meet me
" with his staff, and turned out guards, &c. I
" mounted my horse out of compliment to him,
" and rode with him to our camp across an excel-
" lent bridge over the Terek, made with wood
" thrown from piers of masonry, forming in all
" four arches. He accompanied me to our tents,
" and took his leave, promising however to return
" and dine with us.

" Vladi Caucas is a new establishment of
" wooden houses and barracks, and as yet un-
" finished and uncomfortable. The tribe of
" Ungusli and Ghazi Beg's subjects are friends
" and allies with the Russians, and assist them in
" the attacks which the Chechen and Cherkus
" tribes are constantly making upon them.

" General Adrianoff is a Greek by birth, and
" speaks Italian and French as well as Russian.
" He and Agha Beg dined with us, and the
" General appeared quite astonished at my being
" able to give him claret, madeira, and other
" wines which he had not tasted for years.

" The good old man was as civil as the state of
" his new establishment would admit of. He gave

cxxxvi MEMOIR OF

" lis sonic cabbages, peas, and parsnips, and a
" plate of butter, all great treats in their way.

" While at dinner, we saw the post coming in
" escorted by a field-piece and a company of sol-
" diers, and I find that the General has judged it
'•' necessary to increase my escort by one hundred
" infantry and fifty Kozaks, as the Circassians fall
" upon every caravan that they have the smallest
" prospect of plundering."

" Elisabeth Redoubt ; 25 Versts, 7 Hours.

" Friday, July 15th, 1814— (Thermometer 78°.)
" About five o'clock we were dressed and ready to
" start ; but the arrangement of our baggage and
" horses, to prevent a surprise from the enemy,
" detained us half an hour longer. In the mean
" time the General came to our camp and made
" many apologies for not being able to show us
" more attention than he had done. Although it
" rained, he insisted upon riding a couple of versts
" with me in spite of all my remonstrances. We
" are now in Circassia, and a finer country I never
" saw. But it is a complete desert in the hands of
" the Russians, and nobody can settle in it from
" the fear of the constant incursions of the Circas-
" sians.

" We stopped half way to breakfast, and made
" some of the Taghour tribe, Avliom avc met on the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxxvii

" road, sing and dance their national hornpipe for
" us. It appeared exactly like the Highland fling of
" the Scots. The tune had regular measure, but
" only a few notes in compass, to which they beat
" time with their hands. I gave them a ducat,
" which seemed to make them almost distracted
" with joy.

" A Major commands at this station, with 400
" soldiers and four guns.

" Wliilst walking out with Lady Ouseley in the
" evening I perceived that Agha Beg and all the
" Kussian officers were sitting together in close
" council and some alarm. I asked no questions
" until Lady Ouseley returned to her tent, when
" the whole party, with the Major-Commandant,
" gathered round me, to state what intelligence
" they had received, and to ask my orders. I
" found that a small party of Kozaks had arrived
" from the next station with news that Alexander
" Wali, of Georgia, with 5000 Chechens and
" Circassians, were lying in wait to attack us in
" a confined road through a wood of six versts
" length, between this and the next station. Some
" were of opinion that we ought to remain here
" until more troops could be procured from Vladi
" Caucas and Mosdock ; but, in the end, after a
" long consultation, I decided that we should send
" off to-night an advanced guard of fifty soldiers

cxxxviii MEMOIR OF

" and a gun to take possession of the pass on
" this side, and that when in possession, the officer
" in command was to send off Kozaks with an
" order to the Commandant at St. Constantine's
'- Kcdouht (om- station to-morrow) to come out
" with 200 men and a gun on the other side of the
'' wood, and thus prevent the enemy from having
" a hold of the only place where we could dread
" them, for on the plain we had a force sufficient to
" drive them before us. This plan was generally
" approved of and adopted, and I went to bed
" in camp as usual, although strongly recom-
" mended by the Agha Beg to move into the
" redoubt. About an hour after midnight a tre-
" mendous noise was heard, and some muskets
" fired. The videttes and piquets called to arms,
" and by the time I got to my tent-door our
" line were under arms and their pieces loaded.
" After some minutes passed in alarm and con-
" fusion, we found that the origin of all was an
" attempt made by two Circassians to evade the
" piquets and get into our camp to steal what they
" could lay hold of, on which a Kozak shot one of
" them, and the other ran away. A horse that
" had been grazing, frightened by the report,
" gallopped in among the piquets and sentinels,
" who, mistaking it for a charge of Alexander
" Wali and his 5000 rebels, fired at it, and

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxxxix

" gave the alarm ; and certainly after the report
" of the attack that we were threatened with, it
" was not astonishing that this occurrence (how-
" ever trifling in itself) should have alarmed the
" whole camp."

" St. Constantine Redoubt, 28 Versts, 8^ Hours.

" Saturday, July 16th, 1814.— (Thermometer
" 85°.) After what has occurred last night, the
" Major-Commandant thought it right not only to
" afford us all the additional force he could spare,
" but also to accompany us in person to the terrific
" wood, where the attack was expected. As, how-
" ever, we met an express coming from Mosdock
" to say that the General in command there had,
" on hearing of the premeditated attack, sent a
" large detachment to our assistance, I congratu-
" lated myself on having resolved to march to-day.
" We stopped for an hour and a half on the road
" to breakfast, and arrived at this redoubt at half-
" past one p.m. The Captain Commandant offered
" us his house, but I preferred the tents.

" Near an old Circassian tent, we found some
" stone which had formerly been used in the build-
" ing, which was entirely composed of small bivalve
" shells, and of a consistence similar to the stone
" of which the pyramids of Egypt are built."

Cxl MEMOIR OF

" Mosdock; 42 Versts, 8| Hours.

« Sunday, July 17th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 84° in the house.) We set off earlier than usual,
" but having four guns and a very large force of
" infantry, we did not reach the banks of the Terek
" opposite this place before half-past twelve, when
" the heat was very overcoming, lumbers of
" people came to meet and welcome me, and even
" the Colonel-Commandant, whose wife was at the
" point of death, came down to the river, and after
** we crossed on rafts, he harnessed his own horses
" in our carriage, and sent us to an excellent house
" in the city, which was prepared for us, under a
" royal salute from the ramparts.

" The whole of the inhabitants, civil and mili-
" tary, Russians, Georgians, Armenians, and Cir-
" cassians, came to wait upon me, and were sever-
" ally introduced by the Commandant, whom I
" shortly after requested to go and attend on his
" dying wife. We then had a collation of fruit
" and wines, &c.

" The Terek here is very broad, having had the
" tribute of five streams since we parted from it
" near Elisabeth Redoubt. Mosdock, which, even to
" its churches, is entirely built of wood, seems a
" thriving town, but the other side of the river, up
" to Vladi Caucas, is a complete desert, I fear like

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxli

'• many other provinces conquered by the Russians.
" I cannot conceive what their system is, or rather
" what they mean by pursuing the plan they have
" hitherto done. For so far from finding excuses
" for the depopulating measures they pursue, they
" speak of it rather with some degree of compla-
" cency.

" Looking over one of the finest plains my eyes
" eyer beheld, near Constantine Redoubt, I re-
" marked to a Russian Major, who was near me,
" the luxuriance of the pasture, and richness of the
" soil as far as our sight could reach all about, and
" expressed my surprise that it was not inhabited.
" The Major took me to the top of the hill and
" said, 'Wben first we came here, about twelve years
". ago, the whole plain was covered with villages,
" but at present there is not one in a hundred
" square miles.' In telling this there appeared a
" greater proportion of self-applause than shame
"e\^dent!"

" Mosdock, Monday, July 18th, 1814— (Thermo-
" meter 84°). I went this morning to see the sub-
" urbs of this town, in which the Circassians live,
" and near it saw a camp of gipsies (Chinguris) the
" women of whom danced for us, something in the
" style of the Benur's dance in India. I after-
" wards returned the visit of the Commandant, and
" then set about my preparations for departure.

cxlii MEMOIR OF

" Mosdock is composed of about fifteen hundred
" families, of which one-half or perhaps eight hun-
" dred houses are Armenians, who fled from Teflis
" during the tyranny of Agha Mahommed Khan,
" the last Persian King. The rest are convents,
" Circassian, Oss, Chechen, Ungush, and about one
" hundred Russian families, shopkeepers, and sol-
" diers' wives."

" Georgieski.

" Wednesday, July 20th, 1814.— At five in the
" morning I took leave of the Commandant of
" Mosdock and the other officers and gentlemen
" who came to see me, and set off with five car-
" riages, four light waggons, and one Pawaski,
" of Major Papoof's, which required forty horses.
" Our escort consisted of sixty Kozaks. The Com-
" mandant came to the glacis of the fortress and
" gave me a royal salute.

" At a quarter-past six we arrived at Yerashta,
" thirteen versts, and changed horses. The Kozaks
" were changed here, and the sixty who escorted us
" were very happy at receiving ten roubles, to
" drink, from me.

" We set off again, and reached Ekatheringorod
" (twenty-two versts) in an hour and sixteen minutes,
" to my great astonishment. We were ushered
" into the Commandant's house, who presented his

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxliii

" report in MTiting to me and offered us refresh-
" ments ; but, as I found it still early, I deter-
" mined on going on to the next stage before
" breakfast,

" We accordingly proceeded to Prakhlodnoye,
" (thirteen versts), which we reached in an hour
" and three minutes, and were taken to the Com-
^ manding Officer of the Kozak's house or cottage,
" a fine veteran, whose wife received us in the
" most hospitable and kind manner. AVe here got
'• our things out of the carriages, washed, and had
" breakfast."

" Georgieski. — (Halt.)

" Thursday, July 21st, 1814— (Thermometer
" 84°). After breakfast, the General sent his
" coach-and-six for me, when I proceeded to the
" church, where he was waiting for me. He placed
" me in the centre, opposite the altar and priest,
" and the Civil Governor stood on the right of
" him. The service was almost all chanted, by an
" excellent choir of voices, except when six priests
" alternately prayed for the Emperor and the difi*er-
" ent members of the Imperial Family, or when
" they read the lessons from the Bible. At the
'• end of the service the head of Police read the
" in a loud and articulate voice, and after

cxliv MEMOIR OF

" thanksgivings were offered up bj us all, on our
" hiees, the high priest took up a beautiful cross,
" about a foot long, made of gold, enamelled and
" set with jewels, over which he said a prayer, and
" then, as usual, the officiating priest kissed it, and
" every one else in the church did the same,
" according to rank and precedence, but there was
" a pause between the spirituals and the laity, after
" which the high priest beckoned to the latter. I
" had no idea of the honour intended me, but when
" the General insisted on it, I went up to the high
" priest with as good a grace as any Russian
" amongst them, and gave the cross a holy kiss.
" The General then followed, and after him the
" Governor, who has the rank of General, and then
" the other Generals, Colonels, and officers, accord-
" ing to their rank. The whole congregation then,
" men and women, high and low, formed a kind of
" circle round me, and made bows and speeches, of
" which I did not understand much more than that
" I had done them great honour, &c.

" We walked all hands from the church to the
" General's house close by it, where there was
" a cold collation, and from thence I returned
" home to write a letter to Lord Walpole, at
" St. Petersburgh, by the post which was going
'•' out.

ii

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxlv

" Alexandroff.

" Friday, July 22nd, 1814.— Our first stage
" to Alexandria was thirteen versts, which we got
" over in an hour and twenty minutes, the road
" being a little rough prevented us coming quicker.
" The change of stages in this country affords
" little change of scenery. It is one continued
" flat steppe or plain, fine soil and luxurious pas-
" turage, but scarcely any inhabitant. The villages
" are in appearance large, although they contain
" but few houses, — for the fear of fire induces
" them to build at a great distance, the houses
" being all of wood. The streets are all wide
" and generally at right angles, and the villages
"for the most part surrounded by a ditch to
" protect them from cavalry, with a chevaux-de-
" frize at the entrances. About and in there are
" a few trees, but the steppes are quite bare of
" them."

" Sablia ; 31 Versts, 3 Hours.

" We here stop to breakfast and have an early
" dinner, and then mean to prosecute our journey.
"—Thermometer 90° at 2 o'clock. We left
" Sablia at a quarter to 5, when it was a little
" less hot than before that hour. It takes its
" name from the river Sablia, which runs by it

cxlvi MEMOIR OF

" in so slow a manner as to make its water thick
" and unpleasant to the taste.

" We reached AlexandrofF, twenty-seven versts,
" two hours and three quarters, just as a thunder-
" storm had commenced, and decided upon stop-
" ping for the night. I was shown into a decent
" house, and was immediately surrounded hy the
" high-priest, the governor, and other public func-
" tionaries, and the principal men of the town.
" After compliments had been interchanged, a
" young officer of engineers stepped out and by
" desire of the high-priest and seniors of the town
" repeated a speech to me of half an hour's length,
" the substance of which was that they considered
" themselves honoured and made happy by having
" within their walls a person who had rendered
" such essential services to their Emperor and to
•* the nation at large, and that it was a proud day
" for them to be permitted to approach me and
" offer their grateful acknowledgments. I made
" as good a reply as I could and dismissed the
" deputy and deputation after various bows,
" scrapes, and grimaces, and began my prepara-
" tion for passing the night here."

" Stavropol.

" Saturday, July 23rd, 1814— (Thermometer
" 85°.) Although up early, we did not get under

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxlvii

" way till half-past 4 o'clock. Our first stage
" was to Severnaya, nineteen versts, two hours
" and a half, which we came rather slowly, in con-
" sequence of the roads being very heavy from
" last night's rain. I here saw two men, who
" spoke Persian; one was a Khorasani, 101 years
" old, who entered Circassia originally with Nadir
" Shah's army. The other was a Nakhjuani, who
" had been fifty years a captain with the Circas-
" sians and Tartars. I gave a ducat to each of
" them, and it appeared by their joy that they had
" not seen a bit of gold for a number of years."

" NovosERJESKi; 15 Versts; 1 Hour 20 Minutes.

" We here stopped to breakfast, and set off
" again at half-past 10. We passed over a more
" hilly country than usual, and saw a colossal
" statue of a Tatar god."

" Bushpaijir; 33 Versts in 2 Hours 20 Minutes,

" Which, like the two last, are merely sta-
" nitzas, or Kozak's stations. We have as yet
" with us regular reliefs and convoys of Kozaks,
" but how long this may be considered necessary
" I am totally ignorant.

" At twenty-five minutes past 4 reached Sta-
" vropol, thirty-three versts, three hours and five
" minutes. About twelve versts from hence we

^•2

cxlviii MEMOIR OF

' passed through a very pretty village, called
' IsTadishda, the houses of which are prettily scat-
' tered and interspersed with trees. About four
' versts from this city, I was met by the Com-
' mandant, Alexander Ivanith Bagration, (younger
' brother to the great Bagration, who died so
' nobly at the battle of Borodino,) who delivered
' me a report of the garrison, &c., and escorted
^ me to the house prepared for me, when the
^ civil governor presented his report. The whole
' of the public authorities then waited upon me,
' and, after a few compliments, left me to dress
' myself after the dusty journey I had. The
* Bagration, who is a colonel in the corps of
Kozak guards, or Koyals, called on me again
when I was dressed, and with Major Papoof,
Messrs. Canning and Campbell, accompanied me
in a walk to look at the town, which is by far
the best I have as yet seen in Russia. The
streets are wide, the houses regularly built, and
a good many of them of stone. As we passed
close by the house of Bagration I thought it
would only be civil to go in with him to it, at
which he seemed highly gratified. His house
was very neatly furnished, and, what was surpris-
ing, the cabinet-ware, which was uncommonly
well finished and tastily invented, was all made
by his own carpenter, at Stavropol. The Prince

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxlix

" solicited me to take a little tea, and as it is very
" offensive in Russia to leave a man's house with-
" out taking some refreshment, I of course con-
" sented, although we had not yet dined.

"Whilst sitting here, three Persians came in,
" who had been made captives by the Turcomans
" in their youth, and had, after various eventful
" incidents, passed forty or fifty years of their
" lives in this city. One was a native of Astera-
" bad, a strong hale talkative man of eighty-six
" years of age ; another was an Ispahani, who was
" turned of fifty when Nadir Shah was killed, and
"by his own account was 120 years of age. This
" man had lived in Stavropol during the reign of
" five different emperors and empresses. The
" third, who was 150 years old, appeared as lively
" as a man of forty. He was a native of Bostam,
" and an eunuch, and had met with the most ex-
" traordinary adventures. He said he was eighty
" odd years old when Nadir Shah was killed; that
" he had known Shah Tahmas from his infancy.
" Wishing to try his memory, we endeavoured to
" puzzle him by asking him about other branches
" of the Sefiai family, but he showed the most per-
" feet recollection of every event, and when asked
" if he had not seen enough of this world, he said
" No; that although ready to go when God called
" him, he still would cheerfully remain as long as
" God permitted him.

cl MEMOIR OF

" These three men, with the Khorasani and
" ^N^ukhjuani we saw in the morning, are very ex-
" traordinary instances of longevity, and strong
" proofs of the good air and waters of Stavropol
" and its vicinity.

" On returning to dinner, I found an address
" in writing from the inhabitants, and in the even-
" ing they requested me to accept the homage of
" the town being illuminated to welcome the arri-
" val of a person who had effected such an impor-
" tant service for their Emperor."

" Kagalnitzkaya; 28 Yersts, 2f Hours.

"Tuesday, July 26th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 86°.) This appears a better village than either of
" the last, and the papas or priest has had the good-
" ness to allow us to occupy his house, which is the
" best in the place, and very clean. The post-
" horses, ever since we entered the territory of the
" Don Kozaks, are much worse than what we for-
" merly had; and I am informed that the posts
" here are seldom furnished with more than fifteen
" horses, but that the General had written from
" Teflis to prepare a greater number.

" I have hitherto viewed the Russians as a
" hardy race of people, who could bear cold better
*' than any people in Europe, but now, on a closer
" acquaintance with them, I find that they bear
" heat even better than Indians. With my ther-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cli

" mometer up at 88° and 90° in the house, and at
" least 103° and 104° in the sun, they are running,
" or riding, or working the whole day, and half that
" time with their hats off, if a superior be within
" one hundred yai'ds of them. All the houses
*^ which I have as yet seen, prove that they think
" much less of heat than of cold. The poorest
" cottage has stoves in every room, but not a win-
" dow large enough to admit any air.

" The people of the house we slept in last
" night, although the glass was up at 80°, had pre-
" pared one room for themselves to sleep in, by
" shutting in all the small windows; and in prefer-
" ence to melting^ we were obliged to sleep in \'iew
" of our Kozak guards, with all our doors and win-
" dows open, and even then we were almost suffo-
" cated."

" IsMiovsKi; 29^ Versts, 4 Hours, 20 Minutes,

"Which we did not reach until nearly an hour after
" midnight. About twenty versts from Bataiskaya
" we came upon the river Don, the banks of which
" we skirted for a short time, assailed by the most
" horrible stenches of repositories and warehouses
" for fish, with the opulent and populous city of
" Aksai in view at the opposite side of this majestic
" river. AYe at length came to a bridge of boats,
" very well constructed, over a part of the river,

clii MEMOIR OF

" which is here only four hundred yards wide.
" The moment I trod on terra firma, I kissed the
" earth in gratitude for having the good fortune of
" again setting my foot in Europe.

" We passed through about half the town of
" Aksai (which is not large in depth but very long,
" on the banks of the Don), saw some great stone
" and brick houses (although the generality of
" them are of wood), and a very handsome church."

" Cherkask ; 19 Versts, 4^ Hours.

"Wednesday, July 27th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 84°). We arrived here at five o'clock, when
" luckily the General commanding was not stirring,
" and had, therefore, time to eat a little breakfast
" and lay do^\Ti to rest before ceremonies com-
" menced. This new Cherkask promises to be
'' a very pretty city when finished, as they have
" a fine, airy spot for it, and have laid out the
" streets in a very regular and beautiful manner.

" As soon as I was dressed I informed General
'* Denisoff", who commands in the absence of Pla-
" toff, that I should be happy to receive the visit
" he intended me. He instantly came in a coach-
" and-four, and, most luckily for me, he spoke
" a little broken French. He is a fine old Kozak,
" who served with Suwarrow in Italy, and had
" seen service all over the world, apparently in

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cliii

" a brave and gallant manner, as he was decorated
" with ten stars and ribands, and seven or eight
" collars and badges of merit and bravery. He
" begged of me to dine with him, and seemed
" most happy at my consenting to do so. I
" learned from him that the whole of the objects
" which the Kozaks had in view in removing him
" from Old Cherkask had not as yet been obtained.
" The proposed canal, by which the Don would
" change its course a little, has not yet been
^* finished, because, from the floods at one season
" and the frost and snow at another, they have not
" been able to work at it more than two months in
" the year ; but PlatofF still hopes to succeed
'* in bringing the waters of the Don to his N^ew
" Cherkask, and thereby enriching his subjects by
" giving them a river navigable for large vessels,
" in lieu of the small stream (the Aksai) which at
" present runs by them.

" Old Cherkask is distinctly visible from here,
" although twenty-five versts distant ; and such is
" the force of habit, that many of the great fami-
" lies still continue there, notwithstanding their
" universal avowal that the new city is in every
" respect preferable. A general emigration must,
" therefore, be a work of time. General Denisoff
" informs me that the new city at present consists
" of about 4000 houses, to which they are daily

cliv MEMOIR OF

" adding both public and private buildings ; and I
" believe eight years have elapsed since Hetman
" Platoflf chose this spot for the site of the new
" capital of the Don Kozaks.

" About half-past 2 o'clock, General Denisoff
" sent his carriage and an aide-de-camp for me,
" and I proceeded to his house. He received me
" at the carriage-door and ushered me into his
" drawing-room, where he had collected all the
" heads of offices to meet me. The first person
" whom he introduced to me was Lieutenant-
" General Yiloveiski, a particular friend of my friend
" Sir Eobert Wilson ; the next was a deputy chan-
" cellor, (a German,) who spoke French; there
" was also a Russian colonel and doctor ; a doctor
" on his way from Teflis to St. Petersburgh; four
" Kozak officers ; and last, not least in our esteem,
" Lieutenant Colonel PopoflF, a teacher of French,
" Latin, German, mathematics, &c., and the gen-
" tleman from whom Messrs. Clarke and Cripps
" received such civilities at Aksai and Old Cher-
'• kask. He showed us two cards, on one side of
" which the names of Messrs. Clarke and Cripps
" were written, and on the other side those of
^' Mr. Reginald Heber and Mr. Thornton. After
" dinner I endeavoured to converse with him in
" Latin (for though a professor of French, he
" cannot speak it) ; and to mark my sense of the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. elv

" benevolence and kindness he had shoAvn those
" gentlemen, He seemed much pleased and flat-
*•' tered, and confirmed every word of Dr. Clarke's
" book from his arrival at Aksai until he parted
" with Colonel PopoflP, not excepting the enmity
" of Paul to all British subjects, and the difficul-
" ties thereby thrown in the way of acquiring
" information, the procuring copies of maps, &c.;
" but his delight was complete when I told him
" that Dr, Clarke had written an account of his
" travels, which I had with me and had been read-
" ing in the morning, in which Colonel Popoff's
" kindness and disinterested benevolence was men-
" tioned in terms of deep-felt gratitude.

" At dinner I was put at the head of the table
" between the two Generals, Denisoff and Yilo-
" veiski, and an excellent dinner it was; the wines,
" too, were very good, particularly a species of Don
" wine, very like red and white champaigns.

" His first toast, (to my surprise,) was the
" King of England, to which he begged to add
" that of his Emperor ; the next was my immortal
" friend, of whom we had been talking before
*' dinner, and for whose glory and most illustrious
" actions I have in various climes and countries
" felt many proud sensations rise within me, the
" Duke of Wellington ; the third was myself ; and
" then the whole of the English nation, — for all

clvi MEMOIR OF

" which I made separate speeches, and acknowledg-
" ments, and begged leave to propose the health
" of Platoff, the General himself, and the present
" comi)any.

" I never met more kindness or genteel hospita-
" lity than here, and in my opinion a Kozak is quite
" a polished genteel being, such as is rarely met
" with when such characters are most expected.

" I visited the bazaar in the evening, which is a
" square, formed of excellent shops, built of wood,
" and the road through two rows covered in. We
" also saw a large brick building for the purposes
" of public offices, chancery, court of justice, &c.
" Both men and women bowed to us as we passed
" along, but as yet I have not seen one handsome
" woman since we left the Armenians and Circas-
" sians behind."

" Cherkask.

"Thursday, July 28th, 1814— (Thermometer
" 78°.) After breakfast General Yiloveiski and
" the Chief Judge came to visit me, and shortly
" after acting Hetman General Denisoff, who took
" me to the great church, introduced me to the
" high priest, and showed me all the holy trea-
" sures.

" As Dr. Clarke had spoken so highly of the
" kindness and hospitality of Colonel Alexi Popoflf

i

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clvii

" towcards himself cand Mr. Crii3ps, I sent him a
" handsome shawl, Avith a note in French, to re-
" quest his acceptance of it, as a small mark of
" gratitude for his goodness to my countrymen.

" He came himself to thank me, and presented
" me with a printed copy of the first part of his
" History of the Don Kozaks, in the Russian lan-
" guage, and gave me another copy and a letter for
* Dr. Clarke. He appeared to be all gratitude for
" the present I sent him.

" The General Denisoff sent me six bottles of
" Don wine, and I sent him nine bottles of claret,
" madeira, and rum, which are greatly esteemed
" here.

" At ten o'clock I returned the visit of General
" Yiloveiski, who presented me to his mfe and Miss
" Platoff, who had been so long toasted over
" Europe as destined for the hero who should put
" an end to Xapoleon's excesses ; but perhaps it is
" as well that her beauties had not been better
" known, as it is possible that the ardour of her
" admirers might have been a little damped. She
" begged me to allow her father to be acquainted
" with me if he was at St. Petersburgh on my
" arrival, and said other civil things with a very
" good grace, notwithstanding her appearance.

" General Yiloveiski requested me to tell his
" friend. Sir R, Wilson, that I had honoured him

clviii MEMOIR OF

" with a visit and seen his house, his wife, and his
" son, a youth of fifteen, who speaks French very
" well. At three o'clock Colonel PopoflP brought
" his wife to pay Lady Ouseley a visit, and as soon
" as they were gone we dined, and set ofi" at a little
" before six o'clock. The horses of the Don, at least
" the post-horses, are the worst we have yet seen,
" and only took us our first stage, twenty-five
" versts, in three hours and ten minutes, when we
" put up for the night. — (Kadamofskuga; 25 versts,
" 3 hours 10 minutes.)"

" Grivenskaya ; 25 Versts, 2 Hours 50 Miimtes,
" Thursday, July 29th, 1814, a small village,
" where we stopped opposite the house of a Kozak
" Major, who had come out to meet me. His wife,
" and only daughter, a pretty girl of fifteen, came
" to the carriage-door, and pressed us so civilly to
" walk in whilst our horses were changing, that it
" was impossible to refuse them. Although we
" refused to accept of their proffered tea so early,
" stiU as soon as they got us into their parlour, and
" that the two ladies had kissed Lady Ouseley and
'* the children and welcomed us, the old lady set
" about making both tea and coffee, and gave
" us such excellent cream, and so kind a welcome
" with it, that we could not refuse. The daughter,
" who was everything that could oblige or please

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clix

" us, ran about giving tea to our maids and feeding
" the children, and playful as an antelope, was
" everj^vhere in an instant. Without being at
" all handsome, there was something very pleasing
" in her, and she is certainly the best-looking fe-
" male I have as yet seen among the Kozaks. Her
" mother told me that she was born in Italy, when
" she and her husband accompanied Suwarrow in
" his last wars there."

" LiKovsKAYA ; 27 Versts, 3^ Hours.
" About seven versts from the last stage we
" passed a very pretty village, called Babrikof,
" through which a clear river ran, called Gand-
" ructi. We also saw many villages in different
" valleys, and almost always on the banks of every
" river and rivulet in sight. This village, although
" in the centre of the Don territory, consists
" entirely of Malo-Russian peasants, except one
" house, belonging to a Kozak Major, where we
" breakfasted. The quantity of hay made on both
" sides of the road, in these steppes, is really sur-
" prising, except one considers that every soul has
" one horse at least."

" Kaminskaya ; 27 Versts, 2f Hours.
"(Thermometer 81°, 4 p.m.) This town has a
" very pretty appearance from the floating-bridge,

clx MEMOIR OF

" over which we crossed the Danactz or Tanais,
" and forced me to sketch it, with its picturesque
*' church. The river wdnds very prettily opposite
" the town, and the Post-house is on the southern
" or right bank of the river. The Ataman met
" me, and conducted me to a house where we
" dined, and set off again in the evening, and at a
" little before eleven reached

" Pekovskaya ; 23 Yersts, 3 Hours 5 Minutes.

" The first part of the road near Kaminskaya

" was very deep and sandy, which delayed us con-

" siderably, although the horses were better than

" what w^e have had at the last five or six stages."

" Kazanskaya ; 35 Versts, 4^ Hours.

" (Thermometer 80°, half-past four, p.m.) The
" church is a very superb one, and is reckoned
" the finest between Mosdock and Yoronetz.
" However a much larger and finer one is now
" building in the capital of the Don territory
" (Cherkask), which will be the largest in Russia
" when finished. It is building on the plan of the
" Kazan Church of St. Petersburgh, but much
" larger. Having Dr. Clarke's book before my
" eyes, I could not avoid observing two things
" w^hich appear to differ from his description of
" this Stanitza. The Don appeared so sluggish,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxi

" when I crossed it, that I was obliged to throw a
" piece of wood in, to ascertain the current. But
" then, Mr. Clarke was here shortly after the
" melting of the snow in the of

"wliich of course makes a material difference.
" The other thing to which I allude is the beauty
" of the women, to which, in consequence of the
" Doctor's praises, the eyes of all were turned, and
" yet we could not see even one pretty girl or
" woman amongst, I may say, the whole popu-
" lation, who, with the Ataman at their head,
" came down to the river-side to welcome and
" escort me to the house prepared for my recep-
*^ tion. The Doctor may say, ' De gustibus non
" disputandum est,' but really our whole party was
" disappointed. Their dress certainly struck us
" as being picturesque, and I suppose every one
" was in the best they had, it being Sunday.

" We \dsited the church, which is most beauti-
" fully gilt and ornamented, and has an uncommon
" rich screen, but the paintings are very bad
" indeed. The steeple contains twelve bells."

" Monday, August 1st, 1814. AYe could not
" get off from Kazanskaya before half-past 7
" o'clock, in consequence of some repairs that
" were wanting to the carriages."

Ckii MKMOIR OF

" Matiouchkin Logh; 15 Versts, 1 Hour 14
" Minutes.

" To this post-house we have been escorted by
" Kozaks, but as their last stanitza is Kazanskaya,
" we here took leave of them ; and a more civil,
" obliging, hospitable people I never met with,
" They are succeeded by a Russian officer, a
" species of Captain (Shprowrig) who is to take
*' care of us to Yoronetz. He has a green uniform,
" with sky-blue cuffs and capes."

" XiJNi Mamori ; 28 Yersts, 3 Hours.
" About half way we crossed the river Govilna,
" saw a great number of melon-fields on each side
'' of the road, also a number of windmills, this
" being a great grain country. This is a comfort-
" able looking village. Our Kozak escort is
" changed for eight Russians with large quaker's
" hats, without spears, swords, or any visible wea-
" pons ; but I fancy they are sent more with a
" view of assisting the carriages over difficulties,
" than protecting us. The roads, too, at present,
" I believe are perfectly safe. AYe dined at this
" village, and proceeded to Kouton Kasinsk,
" twenty-three versts, two hours ten minutes, and
" merely stopping to change horses came on the
" large town of Paulovsk, twenty versts one hour
'' fifty-five minutes, which we reached at 12

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxiii

" o'clock at niglit. The Grodnovich waited upon
" me, and provided excellent quarters for us."

" Paulo vsK.
*• Tuesday, August 2nd, 1814. We had a good
" night's rest here, and as the wheel of the large
" carriage which I bought from General Rtistchew
" required additional repairs, we slept till 7
" o'clock. When I was dressed the Grodnovich
" or Lord Mayor came to visit me, attended by all
" the civil and military authorities of the town, and
" made me some fine speeches, to which I, of
" course, returned thanks by Oshiri Bladerim.
" Shortly after the protopape or high-priest, and
" three inferior ones, (for this town of four hun-
" dred houses contains four churches,) paid me a
" visit, and said many things. We then had our
" breakfast, but received a polite invitation from
" the high-priest to eat something at his house,
" which I was obliged to refuse. In short, I never
" met with so much civility in my life, and I can
" only say, that it is full as attentive as we expe-
" rienced in the line of Caucasus, or under Gene-
" ral Rtistchew's own immediate influence."

" Yoronesh; 13 Versts, 1 Hour.
" The approach to this city, which is on an emi-
" nence and full of handsome brick buildings, is

I 2

clxiv MEMOIR OF

" by a long causeway and bridges over the Voro-
" nesh river, similar to those we crossed at Silo
" Shestakovo and Sredni Kioretsi ; this river joins
" the Don about four versts below the town.

" At the entrance of the city I was met by the
" Commandant and a crowd of officers, who wel-
" comed me in the name of the Governor, who was
" waiting to receive me in person at a superb house
" he had prepared for me. The whole of the in-
" habitants turned out to receive me. Dragoons
" preceded me, and a company of soldiers were
" dra^m up at the door of the house designed for
" me, with arms presented, drums, &c.

" The Governor (General Bravinsk,) handed
" me out of my carriage, and accompanied me to
" the drawing-room of a most superb house, be-
" longing to one of the richest merchants in Yoro-
" nesh. He then presented the Colonel command-
" ing the battalion quartered in the city, (who
" delivered his report,) and who introduced all his
" officers. The Governor also presented the civil
" authorities, some of the noblesse, and a few prin-
" cipal merchants. The Governor then sat down,
" and we had some wine and biscuit. He told me
" that he had gone in person to the frontiers of his
*' government to conduct me to the city, and waited
" three days for me at Paulovsk, but that a sudden
" call brought him back a day before my arrival.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxv

" I apologized for the trouble I had given him, and
" thanked him for the attention his people had
" shown me on the way. He said, he only obeyed
" orders received from the Emperor, which he cer-
" tainly carried into execution with great satisfac-
" tion, because he was a loyal Russian, and felt
" that I had effected a service of the most impor-
" tant nature for the empire. He then solicited
" me to favour him with my company to dinner,
" which I promised to do, and he took his leave.
" At 3 o'clock I had dressed myself, and was ready
" to set off, when his coach and six came for me.
" I took Canning and Campbell with me, and
" was received by him at the door in state. He
" had a large but select company to meet me, and
" gave us an excellent dinner, with English porter,
" champagne, and claret, &c. He gave but three
" toasts, ^ The Emperor, ' ^ The King of Eng-
" land,' and myself. In drinking my health he
" again hinted at the services I had rendered to
" the Emperor ; and on my offering some modest
" mode of declining the importance he w^as pleased
" to give it, he very civilly said, turning about to
" the nobles and other gentlemen at table, that
" the best proof he could give of their being con-
" sidered of high importance was, that they occu-
" pied the attention of the Emperor and his minis-
" ters even at such a crisis as the present, when

clxvi MEMOIR OF

" certainly the greatest revolution that ever oc-
" curred was acting; and that I would myself see
" by the attention paid me all the way to Moscow
" by the Emperor's order, what he and his minis-
" ters thought of my services. The Governor
" spoke with great enthusiasm and gratitude of
" the honours shown to the Emperor during his
" visit in London, and altogether the dinner passed
" off very pleasantly.

" After it was over I returned to my residence,
" having seen the new street which was building on
" a superb scale, and in which the Governor is
" planting an avenue of trees in the centre of a
" wide street, with very grand brick houses, with
" fine colonnades with porticos running in a direct
" line for a very long space.

About eight in the evening the Governor came,
" as he said to thank me for dining with him, to
" ask my orders and to bid me adieu, as I had
" determined on setting off at day-break. I gave
" him a couple of glasses of claret and madeira,
" which he seemed to relish, and we took leave.

" He is a very respectable gentlemanlike man,
" and was formerly Governor of Novogorod and
" Odessa, and other places.

" Voronesh is a very thriving city, which con-
" tains at present 2,600 houses, of which 300 are
'' brick or stone, and the rest wooden. They

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxvii

" reckon about 15,000 inhabitants, of which 1000
" are of the noblesse, and 2000 very rich merchants.
" There are 22 churches ; one now building, wiU be
" very rich and beautiful (it is called Smolensk)
" in spite of a balcony which disfigures one of its
'' fine porticoes. It will cost 300,000 roubles.

" The principal articles of commerce and manu-
'' factures are cattle, suet, candles, corn, and grain,
" and coarse woollen cloth. The house in which I
" lodged cost 40,000 roubles. Yet the rich owner
" of it could Avith great difficulty be persuaded by
" me to sit in my presence, so hardly are these
" useful subjects treated in a military government
*' that the noise of a sword (even an ensign's,)
" coming into the room, used to make him jump
*' oif his chair as if the Emperor was at hand.
" At half-past 8 the Governor sent me word by
" the Commandant that the city was illuminated
" to do me honour, and it certainly had a beautiful
" appearance. The civility and distinctions I meet
" with at every place I go, and particularly the
" great cities, exceed the powers of description.
" The peaches and nectarines are here most excel-
" lent ; they have also excellent water-melons and
" melons."

" Iletz; 19 Yersts, 1 Hour 46 Minutes,
"Which is one of the prettiest towns I have yet

clxviii MEMOIR OF

" seen, built on an eminence at the confluence of
" the rivers Sasna and Iletz, both very nice
*•' streams. Iletz contains fourteen churches and
'' a great number of excellent houses. I was met
" by the Gorodovich, who showed me to a very
" superb house, belonging to a merchant, where we
'• brealifasted. In a large and well-furnished
" drawing-room I saw three piano-fortes and
" quantities of music ; and on asking who played,
" the master of the house brought out his two
" young daughters, who amused us whilst break-
" fast was preparing. The gentlemen of the
" town, which is the third best in the government
" of the Orel, all came to see me, and the Marshal
" of the jC^Toblesse waited upon me to request me
" to dine with him, which I declined, but kept him
'' to breakfast. He was a genteel well-informed
" man, and spoke French fluently. It is almost
" impossible to describe how much the Emperor
" is adored by all ranks of people. The only
" time they ever felt discontent towards him was
" when he made the peace of Tilsit. The name
" of the Marshal of ^N^oblesse is Ivan Nicolo-
" vitch Ilyn. His office is elective, and he is
" chosen by his own body. He remains for
" three years in charge of the noblesse of the
" district (200 in number), and if re-elected three
" times, that is nine years Marshal, he gets a

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxix

" cross of St. Vladimir. He frankly said that
'' they never expected so brilliant and beneficial
" a peace with Persia, as I had made for their
" Emperor."

" Selo Petrovski Palne; 30 Versts, 4 Hours.
" About ten versts from the last stage, the
" linch-pins of both my front wheels broke, the
'' nuts came off, and one wheel got off when
" going at full gallop, but thank God we were not
" upset, not at all hurt. I^ay, Lady Ouseley was
" not even alarmed at the accident, AYe sent back
" some versts, and luckily found the nuts, to which
" we put new linch-pins, and set off again. About
" twenty-two versts we crossed a pretty stream,
" called the Palne, which is also at this village.
" 'V\'Tien we stopped to change horses, a little man
" who spoke French begged me to put up at the
'' house before which we stopped, as we should not
" find anything so good at the next post. On
" inquiry I found that the house belonged to the
" Countess Zernicheff, or rather the daughter of
" Comte Zernicheff (formerly Ambassador in
" England), who is now the widow of the late
" Grand Chamberlain Yadkavasky. She, however,
" had just gone to Orel on account of ill health.
" I accepted his offer. AYe found the house decor-
" ated with English prints, piano-forte of Broad-

clxx MEMOIR OF

" wood's, &c., and was sorry that the accomplished
" mistress Avas not at home. The grounds about
" this place are most beautifully disposed, and even
*' yet well wooded, although the state of the
" Countess's finances made her cut down and sell
" the best part of her wood.

" The little man who acted as cicerone and
" master of the house, is an architect, a friend and
" protege of the Countess, who had been originally
*' sent by the Emperor Paul to France and Italy,
" in which he had passed eleven years to study his
" science. He is a very ingenious, well-informed
" man, and gave us great insight into the private
" manners and habits of the Russian noblesse."

" BoLSHOi Ploti; 17 Versts, 2 Hours.
" "We stopped at the village of Bolorome, and
*' breakfasted in the pretty church which they have
" lately built there, but not consecrated. On
" arriving at this stage, we were told that an
" English lady, the wife of a Russian Brigadier-
" General, lived in the village, and expressed a
" wish to see me. I immediately called upon her
" and found her to be a I^eapolitan or Sicilian
" lady, now Madame Switchen, but nee Marquise
" de Gabriella. Her husband was at Tula, but in
" his absence (considering herself partly English
" from the close connexion between Sicily and

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxi

" Great Britain), she wished to show me and Lady
" Oaseley every civility in her power. From her
" Ladyship's account, which she gave me with much
" naivete and frankness, her marriasre was a love
" affair, and rather against the wish of her father.
" She had t^vo daughters, and though she com-
'^ plained of the want of society, she was cheerful
" and contented. She spoke in raptures of several
" English gentlemen she had been acquainted Avith,
" particularly of Sir Ai*thur Paget, Lord ]N"elson,
" Lord Wliit worth, and Sir John B. Warren. She
" is rather a fine woman, though dark, and about
'* twenty-six years of age. She requested me to
" remember her kindly to her best friend, the Due
" de Serra Capirola, in St. Petersburgh.

" The postillions in this country are the most
" ludicrous people in the world. They are indis-
" criminately old men with flowing beards or boys
" of ten or twelve years old, and their dress on
" the hottest day a large loose coat of coarse
" woollen cloth, tied round the middle, loose pan-
" taloons or breeches, w oollen rags wrapped round
" their legs and tied with cords, and either boots
" or back sandals. His hat is high in the crown,
" and spacious in the leaf, like those w^orn by
" quakers, but caricatured.

" They have not any fixed side to ride on as
" postilions, sometimes both on the right, or both

clxxii MEMOIR OF

" on the left horse, but oftener diagonally, i. e., the
" foremost postillion on the near horse, and the
" wheel one on the off horse.

" BoGORDiTSK ; 25 Yersts, 2 Hours 40 Minutes.
" Sunday, August 7th, 1814. This town is
" greatly beautified by the delightful seat of Graaf
" Bobrinsky, which adorns one side of it. It is an
" immense pile of building, and grounds about it,
" with groves, woods, and water, render it quite a
" paradise. The wheel of one of my carriages
" broke near the town, and I desired the Grod-
" novich who came to meet me to try to buy one
" for me ; but the Graafina, or Countess, (for the
" Count is dead,) hearing of the accident, and
" knowing we would not get any until we reached
" Tula, very obligingly sent me a couple of wheels,
" which I am to send back from Tula. She has
" three sons and one daughter to inherit the im-
" mense property left by the husband, who is
" supposed to have been the natural son of the
" Empress Catherine by Count Orloff."

" Tula ; 33 Versts, 5 Hours.

" About half way we crossed the Shliver river,

" and, at ten versts from the city, the River Upa,

" over a bridge close to Mr. Yezikoff 's house,

" which is very large, red, and ugly, but beau-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxiii

*^ tifully situated, with the river winding about it,
" and woods surrounding it.

'* The approach to Tula is very fine. I was met
" by the Police Master at five versts' distance, and
"^ conducted to the city, near which a j)arty of gipsies
" came dancing about the carriages to amuse us.
" A superb monastery overlooks the town, and the
" spires and domes give the city a fine appearance.

" It was very late when we arrived, and luckily
" the Governor was out of town, so that I had
" only to receive the visits of the Colonel com-
" manding, who had an officer's guard, with pre-
" sented arms, drawn out to receive me ; a few
" civil authorities and Colonel Baron Bode, a half-
" English gentleman and most agreeable young
" man, who has chief charge of the manufactory of
" arms, arsenal, &c., — the old General in nominal
" charge being quite an old woman. Rejoiced to
" hear a little English spoken, for he loves the
" country that gave birth to his mother, (Miss
" Kinnersley of Staffordshire,) he sat with us a
" long time, and promised to show us the works
" to-morrow morning."

" Tula— (Halt.)
" Monday, August 8th, 1814. — Thermometer
" 76°. After breakfast the Governor-General
^* Bagdanoff", of the Artillery, paid me a visit in

clxxiv MEMOIR OF

" form, and introduced the principal people of the
" city to me. He offered to attend me round the
" works, but as he was old and a little unwell,
" I would not allow him. I went first to the
*' steam-engine now putting up by Baron Bode in
" a very chaste and handsome built workhouse,
" and when this is finished the business will go on
" better than it has ever done, and probably they
" will then be able to turn out 150,000 stand of
" arms in a year. We then visited the old works,
" which are worked by water, and I am really
" astonished that any thing like a gun or pistol
" could ever be made in such places. Even the
" forge-houses are of wood, and every vStroke of
" the large hammer shakes them to their founda-
" tion. We saw various articles made from English
" models by the workmen at their leisure hours,
" and although infinitely inferior to our own, I
" though it right to purchase a few. I called to
" see the Baron's lady on my return, and found
" her a very nice young woman of German parents,
" but born in Petersburgh, where her father is one
" of the Emperor's physicians. From thence I
" returned home, and at 3 o'clock went to dine
" with the Grovernor, who had all the rank and
" fashion of Tula to meet me ; but somehow or
" another the company did not appear to me so
" select as at Yoronesh, although a greater num-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxv

" ber of gentlemen spoke French. After dinner
" my health was drunk, and we retired to a room
" where there was a grand piano-forte, on which
" the General's son, a youth of twenty, played
" quite in the style of a professor. Shortly after,
" General DorokoflP, who lost a foot in the battle of
" Maloizarolavitch near Kaluga, and greatly dis-
" tinguished himself, came in on crutches to see
" me ; he spoke French, and is a gentlemanly,
" well-informed man.

" The Governor presented a merchant of Tula
'• to me (a sugar-refiner,) who, to show his joy at
" the peace being concluded, gave a grand fete to
" the nobility and gentry, and married sixty-seven
" couples of the poorest people in Tula, and gave
'' to each three hundred roubles.

" This trait pleased me very much, and as the
" Governor wished me to show the man a little
" attention, I consented to accompany him and
" the company to the merchant's house to drink
" tea. He presented us to his wife, a very respect-
" able woman, and shortly after asked permission
" to present his old father to me. I of course
" agreed, and a fine venerable old man made his
" appearance. I congratulated the father upon
" having such a son, and the son upon having so
•^ respectable a parent, and they were both aff'ected
''' even to tears. I was now going to take leave.

clxxvi MEMOIR OF

" when champagne was brought in and a succes-
*' sion of toasts were di'unk, that made many of the
" party tipsy. We at last took leave of the lady
" of the house, and I was just stepping into the
" carriage when the Grovernor came to say I must
" drink a glass at the door exactly, in the Irish
" way of Duth in Duras. On our return home the
" Baron and his Lady paid Lady Ouseley a visit,
" as did also the husband of the Sicilian lady I had
" seen at Balshoi Plati, Brigadier-General Schwit-
^' zian, whom I found a genteel, well-informed nmn,
" although rather plain in his person, and appa-
" rently old."

" Tuesday, August 9th, 1814. In visiting the
" good sugar-refiner I found we had got into
" a scrape, for another merchant conceived a great
"jealousy against the Governor for this mark
" of preference. The Governor was greatly dis-
" tressed, and begged me, as the greatest favour,
" to go with him to the rival merchant's to break-
" fast, which I was obliged to do, although much
" against my will. His mother and three sisters
" (and one a very pretty girl, like Lady Abdy,)
" were presented to us. The old lady has a clear
" annual income of one million of roubles.

" At length, about 1 o'clock, we got into our
" carriages and left the very thriving and populous
" city of Tula. It contains thirty-five churches

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxvii

" and monasteries, and an amazing nmiiber of
" excellent houses."

" Savodi ; 23 Yersts, 2 Horns 20 Minutes.

" A large village where we put up for the
" night. All the carriages now with me, eight in
" number, are daily breaking down and delaying
" us for repairs, except mine, which, although it
" was thrown down precipices in Georgia and
" suffered various accidents, is nevertheless stronger
" than the newest or best Russian carriage, and
" not above one-fourth of the weight. Even the
" Russians allow that the English carriages and
" workmanship are astonishing."

" Serpukhoff ; 32 Versts, 4f Hours.

" Wednesday, August 10th, 1814. The road
" to-day was very indifferent. "VVe crossed, near
" the town (which is large and full of bustle and
" industry), the River Akka, over a floating-bridge.
" It is broad, deep, and rapid, and admits vessels
" of very great burden to navigate it. We here
" enter the Moscoav Government, and at the
" suburbs we passed a pedestal, with a large eques-
'' trian statue of St. George killing the dragon.
" Nearly opposite was a building filled with paint-
" ings of gods and saints, before which a man
" stood with a plate in his hand to collect alms.

m

clxxviii MEMOIR OF

" We breakfasted here and saw the town, which
" seems very old and curious, particularly the
'' churches, M'hich are entirely in Asiatic style of
" dome."

" Moscow ; 32 Yersts, 4 Hours.

" Thursday, August 11th, 1814— (Thermome-
^- ter 7 '3°.) We crossed the Pakhra river over a
'• floating-bridge at Podolsk, and passing by various
" magnificent seats of princes and noblemen,
'• reached the suburbs of Moscow. Although we
" had been prepared for scenes of devastation com-
" mitted by the French, by seeing one-half of Po-
" dolsk, on the right of the village, a complete ruin,
" I felt greatly affected on entering this great and
" once beautiful city, to see such horrid proofs of
" French atrocity. The former wooden houses hav-
" ing totally disappeared, leave frightful gaps in the
" streets ; and one can only know that houses once
" stood there by the stoves (built of brick and lac-
^* kered tiles), having withstood the element which
" destroyed the rest of the house. Bad as this is,
'' it does not call forth such feelings as the ruin of
*• the most superb palaces which once adorned this
" magnificent city, built of such excellent materials
" that they resisted the fire which consumed their
" costly interiors. It is really revolting to human
" nature.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxix

" The guards turned out for me and the police
" officers, and a dragoon conducted our carriages
" through a considerable part of the city to a
" quarter which had least suffered from Corsican
" enormity, not from merciful feelings of the
" tyrant, but because the French authorities occu-
" pied the houses to the very hour of their precipi-
" tate retreat, and the order for their destruction
" had accidentally not been executed, in conse-
" quence of the arrival of the armed peasants.

'' I am lodged in the palace of Prince
" who is at his country seat.

" The Grand Master of Police, General Ivash-
" kin, with his two deputies. Colonel Yolkoff and
" Major Broker, waited on me about half-an-hour
" after ni}^ arrival, and told me that Count Postop-
" chin (the Governor) had waited a considerable
" time for me, and was reluctantly obliged to go
" to the Emperor last night.

" M. Spiridoff, the Civil Governor, sent me
" an apology for not visiting me to-day, as he
" w^as unwell. His rank is less than that of the
" Grand Master of Police, but both are Generals,
^' and their provinces quite distinct. Mr. Hawse,
" of the firm of Rowand and Hawse, came to see
" me, and told me that his partner was gone to
" Kazan, with Sir James Riddle. Mr. Hawse
" describes the trade of Moscow as at a very low

m 2

clxxx MEMOIR OF

" ebb, and that complaints are made from all
" quarters against the introduction of English
" manufactures, in the same manner as we heard
" them the whole of our route.

" The Countess Orloff, General Etistchew's
" sister, sent her coach-and-six to attend me whilst
" in Moscow, and apologized for not calling on
" Lady Ouseley, as her leg was too lame to move
" off the couch.

" In the evening I returned General Ivashkin's
" visit. Count Rostopchin's secretary, M. Bolgo-
" koff, called on me."

" Friday, August 12th, 1814. At ten o'clock
" we proceeded to the Kremlin, and went over
" its ruins. The Guards turned out, and we were
" shown everything worth seeing, even to the
" great bell and cannon. Bonaparte, perhaps to
" prevent the people from seeing the havoc he
" had wantonly made, placed a mine under the
" tower of St. Ivan, from which the whole of Mos-
" cow can best be seen, intending to blow up the
'^ whole, but although he succeeded in overturning
" the low tower with the finest set of bells in the
" world, the high tower withstood the shock, and I
" mounted to the top of it. The view from here is
*•' most superb, and as an order from the Emperor
" prevented any wooden buildings being erected
" for two versts round the Kremlin, this prospect

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxxi

" is perhaps less changed than other parts of the
" city, as the shells of burnt houses still show well
" at a distance.

On leaving the Kremlin, we proceeded to the
" Graafina OrloflPs, whom I immediately knew to
" be a sister of General RtistchcAv's, from the
" strong likeness she bears him. A young lady,
" Miss Chicherin, the daughter of a General,
" acted as her interpreter, and spoke French very
" well. She asked after Lord Dumfries and Cap-
" tain Alexander Macdonald, whom she had seen
" at Petersburgh.

" The old Countess kept a female buffoon, or
"jester, the most curious-looking creature I ever
" saw, dressed out in silver and gold muslin, &c.
" After having tea we went to see a famous hos-
" pital, built and endowed by the Prince Galitzin,
" who was Ambassador at Vienna. It is a most
" superb building, and the wards kept in a very
" clean and orderly manner. The males and fe-
" males are admitted from all classes, and seemed
" well served. Behind it is a beautiful garden,
" and a separate building for a gallery of 450
" paintings of the first masters, amongst whom we
" observed several of Eubens, the Caracci, Mu-
" rillo, Teniers, Yandyke, &c.

" On my return home I found that the Ci\dl
" Governor, General Spiridoff', had paid me a visit.

clxxxii MEMOIR OF

" and requested Lady Ouseley to tell me he lioped
" we would honour his friend General Darasor
" with our company on Sunday, to have an oppor-
" tunit}'' of seeing how the noblesse of Eussia
" lived in their country-houses. The young Count
" Rostopchin, Avith his father's secretary, Mr. Bol-
" gokoff, paid me a visit also.

" After dinner we went Avith Lady Ouseley to
'' the Promenade, where we were joined by the
" Civil Governor, by the Grand Maitre de Police,
'* his deputy, Colonel Yalkoff, and the young
'^ Count Rostopchin. We walked until dark, and
" met an immense number of ladies and gentle-
" men ; the latter, chiefly military, took off their
" hats to me, and the ladies stared at us as if we
*• had ten heads each.

" Mounted dragoons attended my carriage all
'• day, and wherever I went I found the Guards
" drawn out and presenting arms for me."

" Saturday, August 13, 1814. A most fortu-
" nate circumstance for curious travellers, — this
" day is the anniversary of the Benediction of
" Water. At half-past 10, I proceeded to the
••' great church in the Kremlin, where the Place
'• Maister, or Town Major, met and conducted me
" into the church, and placed me on the right of
" the Grand Master of Police.

'• The Archbishop Augustin officiated, and the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxxiii

" singing was quite delightful. AVTien the service
" was over, he came down the aisle and made a
" bow to me and the Grand Master. We followed
" the procession through an immense crowd of all
" ranks and sexes in their holiday dresses, and
" many of them in the ancient Russian costume,
" down several flights of steps to a grand gate-
" Avay, which leads to the Moskwa, in which a
" handsome pavilion was erected for the purpose
" of the benediction. After going through some
" prayers for the Royal Family, and chanting a part
" of the service, the Archbishop descended a few
" steps to a cistern in the centre of the floor of
" the pavilion, and performed the ceremony of
" benediction, having first plentifully sprinkled us
'• with holy water. He then came up to the Grand
" Master and me, and gave us his hand to kiss.
'' He then asked me if I could speak Latin, and
" finding that I could, he spoke to me about my
" mission to Persia, and my journey from thence.
" The procession again proceeded towards the
" church from whence we came ; but as a mark of
" particular respect, the Archbishop stopped five
'• times in the way to converse with me. At one
" time it was to observe the immense multitude
'• assembled; to which I replied that the numbers
" certainly astonished me, but not so much as their
*^ devotion and quietness in such a tremendous

clxxxiv MEMOIR OF

*•' crowd. At another time he said that !N^apoleon,
" nequisshmai movtallum, had attempted to de-
" stroy Moscow, but that Moscow had been the
" happy means of dethroning him, &c.

" From here I was taken to the place where
•' the Patriarchs formerly resided, and where we
" saw all their treasures, consisting of dresses
" richly embroidered and studded with pearls,
"' mitres, crowns, caps, mantles, crosses, crosiers,
" stuffs, and various relics, also an autograph
" of Peter the Great. Immense cauldrons of
" silver gilt, and urns to receive the holy oil, when
" used, struck our sight, with a large collection of
" Greek, Roman, and Russian MSS.

" The pictures of our Saviour and the Saints
" remained in this room, but they had been
'' stripped of the gold and silver ornaments by the
" French.

" From thence Ave went to the Arsenal and
" viewed the jewels of the CroAMi, the dresses of
" the Emperors and Empresses who have been
'' crowned here, and many curious pieces of ancient
" armour, horse-furniture, swords, &c., of which
" I do not specify the particulars, as a list of the
*•' same may be had, except that the celebrated
" helmet of St. Alexander Newski appearing to
" me of Persian fabric, I mentioned it to General
'• Pushkin, who was my cicerone and has charge of

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxxv

" the Arsenal : he seemed to doubt that their
" King, hero, and saint could have worn a Maho-
" metan helmet, until I showed him an Arabic
" verse from the Koran on the centre of the
" casque, and read and explained it to him. I
" also discovered to him that a famous sword which
" the Empress Katherine had given to her grand-
" son (the present Emperor), richly set in gold
" and studded with beautiful cameos, and on the
" blade of which a long inscription in Russian was
" inlaid, was not of Russian manufacture, but
" made in Turkey, in the year 958 of the Hijri.

" In the com'se of the morning I returned the
" visit of Count Rostopchin and the Civil Gover-
" nor, SpiridoflP, who thanked me in the name of
" the nation for the important services I had ren-
" dered them in the Peace with Persia.

" In the evening I took Lady Ouseley with me
" to the old Countess Orloff, who loaded us with
" caresses. We found her yomig friend and inter-
" preter with her, Miss Chicherin, who was also
" very civil. She spoke in great raptures of the
" young Countess Orloff, the only daughter of the
" famous Orloff, who won the battle of Chesme
" from the Turks, and is the greatest heiress in
^^ Russia, possessing an undivided property of
" 20,000 peasants, and six millions of roubles in
" ready money. Her annual income is one million

clxxxvi MEMOIR OF

" of roubles; at the present ruinous rate of exchange,
" equal to £50,000 sterling per annum, which is
" equal to thrice that sum in England, She is now
*• about thirty-two years of age, and has not been
'• prevailed on to marry, lest her fortune might be
" the desideratum of her lover. For although most
^' highly accomplished, she is extremely modest,
" speaking English, French, Italian, and German,
" being a fine musician, drawing, driving, and rid-
" ing most perfectly; a St. Anthony's fire or ery-
" sipelas on her cheek has disfigured her face.
" Her person, they say, is very good, and her heart
" so excellent, that her peasants quite adore her, as
" do all who have the honour of being known to
*•' her. The old lady, her aunt, and Miss Chicherin,
" who is her enthusiastic admirer and friend,
" pressed us very hard to stay another day to see
" this prodigy, as she is expected on Monday. We
" were informed that an English nobleman had
" been amongst the number of those who had in
" vain solicited the honour of her hand.

" I learned from the Civil Governor that the
'•' number of houses in Moscow before the entry of
" the French was computed at about ten thousand,
'•' large and small. When they retreated, the houses
" remaining were reckoned and proved to be seven
'•' hundred and forty-one large, and fifteen hundred
" and twenty-two small only remaining of the once

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxxvii

'' flourishing city of Moscow. Since then, about
*' 3000 houses, large and small, have been built;
" but frightful chasms still remain to be filled up.
" The actual loss sustained by individuals is com-
" puted at four hundred millions of roubles,
" or twenty millions sterling. M. Spiridoff also
'' told me that with a little assistance from the
" Crown, Moscow would be equal to its former
'' self in three years."

" Sunday, August 14th, 1814. After break-
" fast I went to see the Foundling Hospital, estab-
" lished by the late Empress, and now under the
" protection of the Empress's mother. It is a
" superb edifice, and kept in the most excellent
" order, under the chief direction of the chief
" senator and a committee, but the immediate
" superintendence of a M. Yenish, who seems to
" conduct it uncommonly well. I happened to
" arrive when they had marched the children of
" both sexes to the chapel in the centre of the
" edifice, and was ushered into a raised platform
" railed off", when an old general's wife and the
" gouvernante of the female children were assist-
" ing at the imposing ceremony before us. They
" both bowed, and I stood with them (for people
" never sit in churches,) until the service was over.
*^ The singing was most delightful, and the beha-
" viour of the children most orderly and proper.

clxxxviii MEMOIR OF

" After they had marched out in corps of different
" sexes, subdivided into classes of ages, distin-
" guished by different colours on some part of
" their dresses. I went through the whole build-
" ing, accompanied by M. Yenish and the gouver-
" nante, and was a good deal surprised at the
" cleanliness of the dormitories, and the comfort
" that reigned throughout. They took me into
" the dining-room when the boys were going to
" dinner, and made me taste the soup, &c. The
" boys then sang grace in a most impressive man-
" ner; a similar ceremony was gone through at the
" female side of the house. They then took me to
'^ the working-rooms, when I saw some very good
" lace (all of which the Empress Dowager buys at
" an advanced price), and some beautiful embroi-
" deries in gold and silver, silks, cottons, &c.
" From these we visited a new part of the institu-
" tion, where midwifery is taught to the grown up
" young women, and women of the town (married)
" delivered gratis. We also saw the boys' work-
" room, tailors, shoemakers, &c., and specimens of
" their work.

" At two o'clock the Civil Governor came to take
" me with him to his friend the General DurasofF,
" about seven versts off. On approaching the
" house from a wood I was suddenly surprised by a
*' beautiful small lake with a floating-bridge across

SIR GORE OUSELEY. clxxxix

" it (the whole artificial and made at an expense of
" one hundred thousand roubles), leading to a very
" beautiful house, or rather set of houses, from
" which you have a fine view of Moscow on one
" side, and the other side as champetre as if fifty
" miles distant. The grounds about it, too, are
" beautifully diversified and well wooded, laid out
" with well gravelled walks, and every ornament
" and accommodation that a villa ought to possess.
" The host met me at the carriage-door, and gave
" me a most cordial and distinguished reception;
" we went into a room of noble dimensions, where
" there were Princes and Princesses, and nobles
" of all descriptions, sitting or walking about, or
" playing cards, in number about sixty. They
" scarce waited to be presented to me, but came
" round me and addi'essed the most flattering
" things to myself and my nation to me in the
" French language ; five or six of the ladies also
" spoke English, and made acquaintance with me
" as if they were my country^vomen. An air of
" ease, satisfaction, and pleasure seemed diffused
" over the countenances of M. Durasoff and all
" his guests.

" "When dinner was announced, the master of
" the house came to me and desired me to move
*• first, but, en passant, the great lady of the party
" offered me her arm, and I was placed at the head

CXC MEMOIR OF

" of the table between the master and his lady;
" but a lady, who proved to be an English woman,
" married to a cousin of M. DurasofF, begged that
" I might sit between her and the other lady, which
" I of course complied with.

" The dinner was a most superb one, the wines
" excellent, and the dessert the finest I ever saw
" any where ; the latter astonished me so much
" that M. Durasoff told me he must take me to his
" garden : w^e went, and I scarcely ever saw^ so
" extensive or large an orangery, or such an
" immense assemblage of peaches, nectarines,
" apricots, plums, cherries, &c., and glass laid out
" in such a manner so as to secure a constant suc-
" cession of fruit.

" We sauntered about until evening, when as
" I was talking to Prince Galitzin, M. Durasoff
" requested me to accompany him to a little spec-
" tacle. AVe entered a very pretty building, laid
" out as a theatre in excellent taste, and capable
" of holding about -500 persons. T\nien I had sat
" down in the front row, with the Prince on my left,
" a band of nineteen capital musicians struck up
" an overture in a superior manner ; violins, tenor-
" violoncellos, oboes, flutes, bassoons, even to a
" double bass and kettle-di'ums.

" On appearing surprised at finding such an
" excellent orchestra, I was informed that they

ti

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxci

" were the servants who stood behind our cliairs at
" dinner, and that the actors and actresses were all
" his own slaves or peasants. The curtain drew
" up, and although it was the first representation
" of a new piece, the MuzgeTxs performed their
'' parts in a most capital manner : it was a musical
" farce of two acts, and the songs and choruses
" were really better performed before me than any
" where, (except at the Opera House,) that I ever
" heard them attempted. The heroine was rather
'•' a pretty woman, and the Prince told me that she
'' was the master's favourite, and that he had set-
" tied funds upon her which amounted to about
" 12,000 roubles per annum for life for her. She
" is now turned of thirty, and her voice is a little
" cracked, otherwise she sings admirably, and plays
" very well indeed.

" M. Durasoff's villa has cost him upwards of
" a million of roubles, and he spends the whole of
" his income, (about 150,000 roubles,) in this hos-
" pitable and benevolent manner. Everj^ Sunday
" and during the summer, he has a table for his
" friends, from fifty to eighty of both sexes ; and
•'•' his gardens, woods, and walks are open to all
" Moscow, as well as his theatre every Sundav
" evening. The merchants and their wives drive
^' out, bring their kettles and di'ink tea in his
'- grounds, see his operas, and then return to town.

cxcii MEMOIR OF

" The Prince Galitzin was very polite, and
" wished me to allow him and his wife to visit us,
" but as I was so near setting off, I begged him
" not to take the trouble. I find the manners of
" the Russians improve according to their rank,
" and certainly nothing can equal their hospitality.

" During my absence, and whilst Lady Ouse-
" ley was at dinner, the Princess Barbara Ourous-
" soff paid her a visit."

" August 15th, 1814. Lady Ouseley received
" a very kind note from Princess Barbara Ourous-
" soff, thanking us for 500 roubles, which I
" sent her yesterday for two English protegees of
" hers, one named Maryanne Lee, who is a mad
" woman, and the other Judith Cassan. She also
" regretted not seeing Lady Ouseley, and begged
" to know when she might call again. About 12
" o'clock the old Countess Orloff came to our door
" to see Lady Ouseley; but as she is quite lame
" and very old, I would not allow her to quit her
" carriage.

" After dinner I went by agreement to \dsit
" the prodigy, the young Countess Orloff, and
" found her even surpass the great accounts I heard
" of her affability and sweet disposition. I particu-
" larly observed her conduct to her dependents, who
" all seem to adore her. A nice young woman, a
" Miss Porter, lives as companion, and her kind

1

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxciii

" manner to lier is quite charming. Miss Porter is
" a very nice young lady, daughter of Governor
" Porter of Canada. Her father was an English-
" man, and her mother Scotch, but she was herself
" born in America. She is now an orphan, of very
" interesting appearance and pleasing manners.
" Miss Chicherin was there also, and played on the
'^ piano for us a lesson of Field's. A cousin of the
" Countess, a Count Orloff, was there ; he is Colo-
" nel in the Guards, and is one of four brothers
" and cousins who were lulled or wounded at Boro-
" dino. He lost a leg, and is a very fine manly
" young man.

" After I returned home, the young Countess
" sent Lady Ouseley a superb present of fruit, and
" begged me to assure her that if we remained
" another day, she would pay her respects in
" person."

'' Tuesday, August 16th, 1814. At length the
" carriages were all repaired : at 1 1 o'clock we bid
"^^ adieu to Moscow, with great reluctance and
" regret, as we had passed the few days we were in
" it most agreeably, and had received the most
" marked attentions and civilities."

" Tver; '30 Versts, ^ Hours.
" We got in early enough to dine and walk
" over the town after dinner. It is the prettiest

it

cxciv MEMOIR OF

" one I have yet seen in Russia. The New Mall
" on the banks of the Volga is a superb prome-
" nade since the late Duke of Oldenburgh built
" up the embankment. The houses in this Mall
" are occupied by merchants; at one end is a
" Yauxhall, and near it, at the end of the Million
" Street, is the theatre. The Duke's Palace, close
" to the bridge, makes a fine appearance. We
" walked over the Million Street, which is a very
" fine one, and contains three circuses in it, in one
" of which is a warehouse for salt, and in another
" the post-office, and other fine buildings. Tver
" contains seventy-five churches and about 12,000
" inhabitants, but public amusements have nearly
" ceased since the Duke of Oldenburgh left it.
" He was greatly beloved here, and his loss is
" much deplored."

" Novogorod; 35 Versts, 3 Hours 20 Minutes.

" On leaving the last stage crossed the River
" Msta over a bridge of fifteen boats ; afterwards,
" at the village of Kupurova, crossed a second
" broad river, Balakoyolkoff", over a wooden bridge.

" The whole of this stage the road is excellent.
" The view of this ancient city is still imposing,
" although its ruins excite a melancholy sensation.
" We stopped to change horses at the door of an
" inn kept by an Italian, who has been here eigh-

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxcv

" teen years, and as it was still early, determined
'• on going on another stage. We here crossed
" the Volkova, over a beautiful wooden bridge of
" 800 feet, in the centre of which is a drawbridge
" for boats to pass through. On the other side of
" the river is the cathedral, a fine venerable old
" church, 800 years built, which we went over. It
" contains some very ancient paintings, and a very
" curious bronze door, with figures of our Saviour,
" various saints, kings, and czars, worked on it in
" alto relievo. Near this is the dwelling, and
" apparently a comfortable one, of the Bishop.

" The most extraordinary instance of change
" of climate I ever experienced, has just occurred.
" From the heats of summer and the glass up at
" 79°, one shower of rain at Valdai brought on a
" change to cold, and this morning we had a hoar
" frost; whilst the sun was shining in the heat of
" the day the thermometer in my carriage only
" rose to 52°. The aubergiste here told me it was
" what they never expected before the 1st of Oc-
" tober."

" TosNA ; 32 Yersts, 3 Hours o Minutes.

" The road, partly wood and the rest paved,

" still continues very excellent, and enables us to

" get within 57 versts of St. Petersburgh. This

" is a large village of wooden houses, and we sleep

n2

cxcvi MEMOIR OF

" there to-niglit. From Chudano I sent off our
" avant-courier, Lieutenant Stephan Fedrovitcli,
" with a letter to Lord Walpole, to inform him
" that I should reach Petersburgh to-morrow
" afternoon, so as that the house he had hired for
" me might he ready for my reception.

" Tuesday, August 23, 1814. A little before
" daylight a Captain Shprownig arrived from Selo
" Zarkskaya, with orders to accompany me into
" Petersburgh. He tells me that the Grand Duke
" Constantine w^as to give a review of six squad-
" rons of cavalry to the Emperor at Zarkskaya
" Selo, at 11 o'clock. This man had been several
" days waiting my arrival at that place, he said."

" St. Petersburgh ; 33 Yersts, 4 Hours.
" Wlien we approached Sophiestadt, with its
" superb chapel, the road became very interesting.
" The grand palace of Landskoi, the beautiful
" village of Zarskaya Selo, the gardens, summer-
'• houses, Chinese temples, &c., and superb road,
" equally delighted and surprised us. From Zar-
" skaya Selo, the versts are marked by handsome
" obelisks of variegated marbles, on the right hand
" side of the road leading from Petersburgh, all
" except the half-way one, the 11th verst, which
" is differently shaped from the rest, and placed
" on the left side of the road. The environs of
" St. Petersburgh are most superb.

I

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxcvii

" We were shown to the lodgings which Lord
" Walpole had prepared for me, and on getting
" out of the carriage, Mr. AYalpole (his Lordship's
" cousin,) came up to me with a civil message, to
" say that Lord TValpole would wait on me im-
*' mediately. The Consul-General, Mr. Bayley,
" waited upon me in a few minutes, and afterwards
" Lord Walpole came and behaved in the most
" obliging manner to me and Lady Ouseley. He
" asked me to dine with him, which I agreed
" to."

"AVednesday, August 24th, 1814. — Mr. and
" Mrs. Bailey called on us again to-day, as did
" Lord Walpole, Mr. Walpole, and General An-
" selme. His Lordship told me that he had seen
" Count Nesselrode, the acting Minister for Foreign
" Affairs (for a rescript has been issued for Count
" Eomanzoff,) who spoke highly of the services I
" had rendered the Emperor, &c., and said the
" Emperor would thank me in person for the obli-
" gations I had laid him under by negotiating a
" peace with Persia for him."

" Thursday, August 25th, 1814. At noon I
" returned Lord Walpole's visit, and went with him
*' to see the Hermitage, a beautiful palace, built
" by Catherine, close to the old Winter Palace.
" The gallery of pictures is uncommonly fine,
'• although amongst them there are many copies

cxcviii MEMOIR OF

'' baptised by the names of great originals. The
" collection of specimens of mineralogy is most
" superb, as is the cabinet of gems, cameos, and
" intaglios. In short, although we were nearly
" three hours employed, we could not see all that
" merited close inspection, so immense is the
" palace and the treasures of art and curiosity it
" contains. Amongst the rest, the beautiful vases
" of Siberian porphyry, worked there into very
" beautiful forms, struck us as remarkably fine.
" The Hall of St. George was likewise shown us, and
" the private theatre ; both beautiful specimens of
" architecture, by Guarenghi, an Italian, who,
" though a very old man now, was obliging enough
" to act as our cicerone."

" Friday, August 26th, 1814. Lord Walpole
" wrote me a note to say that Count Nesselrode,
" who was to have received me at 12 o'clock, was
" obliged to attend the Emperor on business, and
" that he hoped I would call on him at 12 to-morrow,
" and that the Emperor Avould see me on the fol-
" lowing morning (Sunday) after mass. His Lord-
" ship asked me to accompany him to the Due de
" Serra Capriola's, and we went there at 12. The
" Duke received me in the kindest manner, and
" offered me his grateful thanks for the attention
" I had paid to his letters recommending my medi-
" ation about peace between Russia and Persia,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. cxcix

" and the credit that he had consequently acquired.
" The Duchess and her daughter received me as
" an old acquaintance, in consequence of my cor-
" respondence with the Duke, and requested my
" permission to make acquaintance with Lady
" Ouseley."

" Sunday, August 28th, 1814. I^5"ot far from
" our windows there was a grand parade of six
" regiments of Guards about 10 o'clock, at which
" the Emperor and Grand Duke Constantine
" assisted. Each corps, as the Emperor passed,
" hurra'd him, and the hands of music played most
" charmingly. At 12 I drove out to the Kamini
" Osteri Palace, and was received there by the
" Grand Chamberlain, Count Tolstoy, and one of
" the deputies. Prince Toufiakin. There was no
" circle, but merely a private audience granted
" me. I however succeeded in presenting Mr.
" Canning, Dr. Campbell, and Mr. Walpole. I
" was shown into a room where the Emperor was
" standing alone near the window. On the door
" being shut behind me, and making my first bow,
" the Emperor came to meet me, shook hands with
" me and drew me by the hand to the window. He
" said in French, ^ I am extremely happy to make
^•' the acquaintance of a person who has rendered
" me such essential services in negociating a peace
" with Persia, a peace which in every shape is most

CC MEMOIR OF

" advantageous and honourable, and meets my
" highest approbation. It is impossible I can ex-
" press what I feel towards your Excellency.'

'• Oiiseley. — ' Sire, any little services it was my
••' good fortune to be able to perform in Persia,
" formed only a part of my duty, and were effected
" in obedience to the instructions of His Majesty's
" Government. If my exertions are honoured by
" your Majesty's gracious approbation, les voeux de
'• mon amhition sont exaucees, and I am the hap-
" piest of mortals.'

" He again shook my hand very cordially, and
" said that, wishing to show his gratitude most
" effectively, he had spoken about me to His Royal
" Highness the Prince Regent, and to Lord Castle-
" reagh, who, he felt certain, would recompense me
'• in a more substantial and honourable manner
" than it was in his power to do. He then asked
" me about my journey through his dominions, and
" hoped I had been properly treated on the road
" by his Grovernors and officers. I replied that,
'' thanks to His Majesty's orders, I had hQQwfete
" partoiit. He was astonished at my having per-
" formed such a journey in so short a period, par-
" ticularly as he understood that I had two chil-
" dren with me. He next said, * J'esp^re que je
" vous possede ici quelque tems." I said that
" expecting to find His Imperial Majesty fixed

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCI

" here, and that the Persian Ambassador would
" have arrived nearly at the same time, I had
'• midertaken a very long and dangerous journey in
" the hope that even here I might be useful to the
" good cause, but that in consequence of His
" Imperial Majesty's journey to the Congress at
" Vienna, and the Persian Ambassador not having
" yet arrived, all my good intentions had been
" frustrated, as after a short repose I must proceed
" to England. He said that nobody could better
" appreciate the importance of my presence in St.
" Petersburgh than himself, and assured me that
" his absence at the Congress would not exceed a
" month and a half; he afterwards gave me a
" stronger hint about my staying, but with much
" delicacy and consideration.

" He next spoke of his visit to England, and
" expatiated with rapture on the fascinating man-
'- ners of the Prince Regent, the flourishing state
" of the capital and the whole country, the com-
" fort and aisance of all ranks of people. He
" observed upon the neatness and cleanliness of
" the English, and contrasted them with that of
" the Dutch. The latter, he said, carried their
" cleanliness to a degree of pedantry, 41s etoient
'^ pedantesquement propres;' but you often find a
" dirty master in a very clean house. In England,
" on the contrary, the farther you dive into their

ccii MEMOIR OF

" recesses, the more you observe of their com-
" forts and aisance,

" His Majesty often reverted to the subject of
" Persia, and made me explain to him the par-
" ticulars of the negotiation ; and on my relating
" them briefly, and hinting at the hopes the Per-
*^ sians entertained from his generous munificence,
" he said, ' I hope your Excellency knows sufficient
" of my character to be assured that they shall
" not be disappointed in their hopes from me,' and
" he again shook hands with me. I gave General
" Rtitschew great credit.

"After some inquiries about the immense
" tract of his own dominions which I had traversed,
" and receiving satisfactory answers from me on the
" subject, I took my leave, when His Majesty again
" shook hands with me, accompanied me to the
" door, and said he hoped he should soon have the
" pleasure of seeing me again.

" Wlien I came into the first ante-chamber,
" Walpole, Canning, and Campbell were standing
" there, but the chamberlains were in the next
" room. Before I could get to it His Majesty
" came out to give them audience, and addressed
" them in English, on which I turned back and
" presented each by name. After a few civil
" words to each, he again addressed me, and
" praised the army in England, saying that the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCUl

" troops he had seen there were the finest he had
" ever seen, although he knew our finest troops
" were in Spain. My audience lasted tete a tete
" about half an hour, and he staid about five
" minutes "vnth the gentlemen."

"Wednesday, August 31st, 1814. I yesterday
" received through Comte N^esselrode an invita-
" tion to dinner, for myself and Lady Ouseley,
" from the Empress Mother at Paulovski Palace,
" about 28 versts oflP.

" This morning I received a note from Comte
" Nesselrode, requesting me to call on him at the
" Foreign Office. I accordingly went, and he pre-
" sented me in the handsomest manner mth the
" Grand Cordon of St. Alexander Nevski, the star
" and jewel of which is beautifully set in brilliants,
" on the part of the Emperor. He also gave me a
" beautiful snuff'-box, set in brilliants, with the
" Emperor's portrait, which he said his Imperial
" Majesty had additionally ordered since he had
" seen and conversed with me.

"We then entered into the affairs of Persia,
" which the Comte himself introduced by order of
" the Emperor ; and as he sets oflP to-morrow for
" Vienna, I seized this (perhaps last) opportunity
" of impressing on his mind the restitution of
" Karabagh and Talish. After a long discussion,
" and referring to maps, &c., I got up tolerably

cciv MEMOIR OF

" well satisfied that if the Government give me
" permission to treat, I shall obtain the wishes of
" the King of Persia, than which nothing on earth
" could give me more real pleasure, as I can never
" forget the generous confidence he placed in me.
" At the same time I feel I am acting as a
" faithful adviser to the Emperor, for whose hien-
" veillance I am truly grateful."

" Sunday, September 4th, 1814. At a quarter
" before 12 I set off for the Paulovsld Palace
" to be presented to the Empress-mother, acording
" to invitation, and arrived there at half-past 2.
'' They drove me first to a house where the corps
" diplomatique generally are lodged, where I found
" ComteWinzingerode, theWurtemburgh Minister,
" General SchoUer, the Prussian Envoy, and Gene-
" ral Morand, the French Minister. I knew the
" first and last before, and the Comte immediately
" introduced General SchoUer to me. At 3 o'clock
^' an imperial carriage, called a llgne, came for us
" and we proceeded in it to the Palace, which is
" very superb indeed. We found Comte Litta,
" Prince Kourakin, and a large number of ladies
" and gentlemen waiting the appearance of the
" Empress. Prince Kourakin took me from thence
" to a different part of the Palace, where I found
" Prince Golovin ready to receive me ; imme-
" diately after the Empress came out, accompanied

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCV

" by the Grand Duchess Anne and the young-
" Grand Dukes, ISTicolai and Michel. She walked
" up to me and presented me her hand to kiss.
" She thanked me in the most polished language
" (French) for the services I had rendered her son,
" asked very kindly about Lady Ouseley and our
" long journey, and after about a quarter of an
" hour's conversation, proceeded to the gallery,
" where the whole Court (about ninety people of
" both sexes) were waiting for her, having first
" desired me to follow her to dinner. Here a
" circle was formed. The ladies kissed her hand,
" and she their cheek, and almost all the gentle-
" men kissed her hand. Here, also, she addressed
" me in a very obliging manner; from hence we
" followed her to the dining-room, in which several
" tables were placed. I was conducted to that at
" which the Royal Family sat, and nearly opposite
" the Empress ; on her right was her daughter
" Anne — a most charming young woman, and
" beyond her, her brother Michel ; on her left, her
" son Mcolai, and next him the Duke of TVurtem-
" burgh, her own brother ; beyond him and Michel,
" the ladies of honour, each with a cro^\ii and
" initial M in diamonds on their left shoulders.
^^ The Princes Kourakin and Golovin were with
" us on the opposite side of the table. During
" dinner the Empress had the condescension to

CCVl MEMOIR OF

" address almost the whole of her discourse to me,
" and was otherwise most attentive and affable.
" After dinner Comte Litta, Grand-Mai tre de la
" Cour, introduced me to Comte de Modena, Grand
" Chamberlain of the Grand Duchess Anne ; and
" after the Empress held a short circle, during
" which we took coffee, and that they all retired
" to their respective rooms, the Comte de Modena
" and young Prince Kourakin took me to the
" Grand Duchess's apartments and presented me
" to her. Her face is not beautiful, though very
" pleasing, but her person is as lovely as can be
" conceived, her manners affable, noble, and most
" insinuating, and she is reckoned the most ac-
" complished Princess of the age.

" She conversed in French in the most charm-
" ing manner for some time with me, and when I
" took leave said she hoped to see me by-and-bye
" at her mother's ball. From hence we got again
" into the llgne, and traversing a good part of
" the park, came to a large wooden house (accom-
" panied by Prince Kourakin) where we were
" presented to the two Grand Dukes, very nice
" young men, well educated, well informed, and of
" most affable engaging manners ; from hence we
" returned to our first lodging, and after half an
" hour's delay we were again sent for, and the
" imperial liyne took us to the Palace, where all

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCVU

" the ladies and gentlemen were again assembled.
'^^ After drinking tea, the Empress walked romid
" the circle and conversed with me and a few
" others, and then sat down to cards. The Grand
" Chamberlain asked me if I would take a hand at
" cards, but I preferred looking on at the dancing,
" which just then commenced ; the Grand Duchess
" Anne led off two Polonaises with her two brothers,
" and then sent her Grand Chamberlain to ask me to
" dance one with her, which I did, and found her not
" only an agreeable partner, but an uncommonly-
" well-informed young woman. Dancing continued
" from half-past 7 till near 10 o'clock, when we sat
" down to a hot supper, after which they danced
" again until 11 o'clock. During the intervals
" Her Imperial Majesty often engaged me in con-
" versation, — at one period for three-quarters of
" an hour, and always in the most kind and affable
" manner.

" Several gentlemen got introduced personally
" to me, — amongst the rest the Duke of Wurtem-
" burgh, Prince Alexander Kourakin, formerly
" Ambassador at Paris, Clonichef, Aide-de-Camp-
" General, a fine young man. Prince Lapoukhin,
" and the Privy Councillor Sablonkoff, whose son
" married Miss Angerstein.

" I got back to town at 2 o'clock."

" Sunday, September 10th, 1814. About 12

CCViii MEMOIR OF

" o'clock I proceeded to the church of St. Alex-
" ander [N'evski, (it being his anniversary,) when
" I met the whole Court waiting the arrival of
" the Emperor and Eoyal Family. We were all
" in grand costume. About 1 o'clock the Emperor
" ent ered with the Empress-mother leaning on
" his arm. They bowed to us all as they passed.
" Then came the Archduchess Anne, the Duchess
" of AYurtemburgh, and the Ladies of Honour, and
" the procession closed with the Archdukes Con-
" stantine, Mcolai, and Michel.

" The ceremony was very imposing in celebra-
" ting high mass, (and the music, particularly the
" Te Deum*, most enchanting.) At a distance
" it sounded like an organ of the first description,
" only infinitely sweeter, and with more pathos.
" The bass voices continue out their tones after
" the treble and tenor have ceased, just as the fin-
" gers are gradually taken off" the keys of an organ

* The hymn " Te Deum" is not used in the Greek or Rus-
sian church, and the prelates of St. Petersburgh would probably
have been not well pleased that Sir Gore confounded any part of
the Latin with the orthodox service. The hymn was, probably,
either the Trisagion, sung when the book of the gospels is placed
on the holy table at the first ingress, the cherubic hymn, sung
whilst the elements are carried from the prothesis, or side table,
to the holy table at the great ingress, the "A^iov, or the
" Glory be to God on high," sung before or after the liturgy of
the eucharist.

SIR GORE OUSELKY. ccix

" down to the lowest of the left hand. After the
" mass and Te Deiim were over, the Emperor
'• mounted the steps of the shrine of St. Alex-
" ander, superbly formed in solid silver, and kissed
" it. The Empress followed, and the rest of
" the Imperial Family severally, and when they
" descended they all bowed first to the Emperor,
" and then all around. The old Archbishop
" then went up and kissed hands, in return for
" which the Imperial Family kissed his cheek.
" They then marched out of the church in the
" same order as they entered, and again bowed to
"' us.

" In the evening the Countess Mingden and
" Lord AValpole came to drink tea with us, and
" his Lordship was good enough to take our little
" Janie out with him to see the illuminations. His
" friendly attentions are unceasing, and offered in
" the most kind and unostentatious manner.

'•' Wednesday, September 21st, 1814. Mr.
" Ouvaroff, Conseiller d'Etat Actuel, and son-in-law
^' to Comte Razoumoufski, the Minister for Public
*' Instruction, called upon me, and presented me
" with copies of a projet for an Asiatic Academy,
" and an essay on the Mysteries of Eleusis, of his
*•' own wi'iting. He took me to the Imperial
" Library, and showed me the whole of it, as well
*' as the fine collection of MSS., containing a suite

o

CCX MEMOIR OF

" of letters of the Kings of France and the great
" military characters, from Henri lYth to Louis
'^ XIYth. Also some very interesting letters, writ-
" ten by Queen Elizabeth and the lovely but
" unfortunate Mary Stuart."

" Sunday, September 25th, 1814. I was the
" only stranger at the Empress's court, which was
" very much thronged, and I had the honour of
" sitting opposite her at dinner, and enjoying
" much of her conversation. After dinner she
" sent Comte Sablonkoif with me to show me the
" whole of the palace, the paintings, and her own
" works in ivory, in turning, and making cameos,
" &c. At night there was a ball as usual, and I
" did not get back till half-past 2 o'clock."

" Monday, November 28th, 1814. I received
" a note from the Comtesse Litta, to say that the
" Empress would stand godmother for my infant,
*' and to invite me to bring her with me at 6 o'clock
" Wednesday night to the palace, with the clergy-
" man, &c., to be christened there. Shortly after I
" received a note from Comte Grolovkin, to invite
'•' me to dine with the Empress on "Wednesday, and
" that we should send for the infant afterwards."

" Wednesday, November 30, 1814. After
" attending the lecture on Ancient Literature,
" I dressed, and went to the palace with Ouvaroff.
" The Empress was particularly kind, and thanked

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCxi

"^* me most gratefully for the piece of Persian mo-
^' saic and sliawl quilt which I sent her. After
" dinner she sent for our last-born infant, who
" came to the palace, accompanied by the nurses,
*' Dr. Campbell, and the clergyman, Mr. Spencer ;
" we proceeded into Her Majesty's cabinet. The
" Empress held our little one at the font, and she
** was christened Alexandrina Perceval. Her god
'* mothers were the Empress in person, and Coun-
" tess Litta, proxy for the Honourable Mrs. Spen-
" cer Perceval. Godfathers, the Emperor and Mr.
'* Ouvaroff, proxy for the Honourable Robert
" Gordon. After the ceremony I thanked the
" Empress, and kissed her hand. She seemed
" greatly pleased with Janie, who accompanied her
" sister ; and when I returned home she sent a
" souvenir to Lady Ouseleyj with congratulations
" upon [the baptism] of the infant, &c.

" Wednesday, December 14th, 1814. I at-
" tended by appointment with the Ministre des
" Gultes, the Prince Alexander Galitzin, the cele-
" bration of high mass, the service of which was
" sung by the Imperial choir. It is very delight-
" ful, and the ceremony impressive. At half-past
" 1 o'clock I attended the lecture on Ancient
" Literature, when I met the Duchess of Wurtem-
" burgh, the Countess Oyouski, &c. Dined at
•• home. After dinner visited with Lady Ouseley

o 2

eoxii :me:moir of

" at different places, and went at half-past 9 o'clock
" to the Princess Boris Galitzin, v?ho had a musi-
" cal party for us ; Mr. Field, an Irish music-master
" of great talent, played on the piano-forte. The
" Princess Kourakin sang, and there was also a
" trio and quartette by professional players."

" Tuesday, January 3rd, 1815. Dined at
" home ; went in the evening to the Gpnnasium,
" to hear the examination of students. This col-
" lege was, I may say, invented by my friend
" OuvarofP, and has been four years on foot. The
" obstacles he has met in inducing the people to
" allow their children to learn Latin Avere almost
" insurmountable ; and he thinks that the moment
" he leaves the management of it, six weeks will
" see it fall to the ground. The students were
" examined before me in Latin, French, German,
" Russian, poetry and statistics. They received
" their prizes, and their parents who were present
" shewed so much anxiety, and consequent delight
*' at the success of their children, that the scene
" was quite interesting. At the end fifty boys
" chanted a hymn, and afterwards sang ' God save
" the King/ in Russian. There are about 300
" students of all ranks. The house and the mas-
" ters are paid by the Emperor, and the parents
" pay 500 to 600 roubles per annum."

••' Friday, January 13, 1815. Had a visit from

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxiii

" the Armenian Archbishop, who came to wish me
" many happy new years, and thank me in the
" name of his nation for the protection and immu-
" nities I had obtained for the Armenians in Persia.
" At 12 o'clock attended a circle at court, where
" the Empress wished me joy of the new year, and
*' much happiness, in the most gracious terms.

" Thursday, January 19, 1815. Being the an-
" niversary of the Grand Duchess Anne's birth-
" day. Lady Ouseley and I were invited to a ball
" at the Palace. Dined at Dr. Crichton's, and at
" 8 o'clock went to Court. The Empress was par-
" ticularly kind to us, and spoke to me for a con-
" siderable time. I made acquaintance with the
" Prince Ipsilante, formerly dragoman of the
" Porte and Hospodar of Wallachia, but now a
" Russian subject. He is completely master of
" ancient Greek as well as modern, which is his
" native tongue. He also understands Turkish, Per-
" sian, Italian, and French. We sat together nearly
" an hour, and he begged permission to \'isit me."

" Friday, January 20tli, 1815. At 12 o'clock
" his Highness the Prince Ipsilante, accompanied
" by M. Persiani, a man well known in England, as
" dragoman to the Turkish Ambassador, paid me a
" visit, and staid full two hours and a half; we read
'* Persian, Turkish, and Greek together, and I was
" astonished to find that in reading Anacreon he

ccxiv MEMOIR OF

" never pronounced a, diphthong as we do, but
" shortened them all. I lent him a Jusef and
" Zelikha of Jami. The Princess Kourakin, and
" also the Princess Lubomerski, called and sat some
" time with us."

" Tuesday, January 24th, 1815. We dined at
" home. In the evening I took Lady Ouseley and
" Madame Ouvaroff with me to the Duchess of
" Wirtemberg's, when I was introduced to her,
" (agreeably to a plan I had before concerted), as
" the Persian Ambassador. She was completely
" taken in, and received me in great state. When
" she discovered the deception, we laughed for an
" hour together."

Sir Gore was detained in St. Petersburgh
awaiting the arrival of the Persian Ambassador to
Russia, his old friend Mirza Abul Hasan, which
did not take place until April 10th, 1815. Having
concluded his consultations with him, he deter-
mined to return to England, an arrangement the
more necessary, as the successful irruption of ^a-
poleon from Elba had thrown all things into con-
fusion. On the 18th May he dispatched Dr.
Campbell (from whom he parted with great regret)
to Persia, with letters for the Prince Eoyal, Abbas
Mirza, in which he endeavoured to tranquillize the
mind of the Prince with respect to the dreaded

SIR GORE OUSELEY. CCXY

consequences of Napoleon's return, and to urge
upon him the expediency of refusing admission or
audience to any French agent. Upon the 14th
June he took leave of the Empress (the Emperor
being absent), and on the 27th sailed from Cron-
stadt. The voyage was long, tedious, and dange-
rous : the party were delayed by contrary winds,
and harassed by high gales and vexing calms. On
the 10th July, being becalmed close to some ships
sailing for Eussia, Sir Gore Ouseley sent on board
one of them, which had, it appeared, come from
Whitby, to inquire for news, and then heard the
first intelligence of the battle of Ligny and the
glorious victory of Waterloo. This happy infor-
mation was confirmed at Copenhagen, on the 13th,
and must have naturally excited the warmest
anxiety to reach home ; but it was not until after
a voyage of a fortnight, alternately boisterous and
becalmed, that Sir Gore arrived off Yarmouth, on
the 27th July, 1815, after an absence from Eng-
land of five years and nine days.

Sir Gore Ouseley upon his arrival in England
met with the kindest reception from the Prince
Eegent. The recent glorious event of the battle
of Waterloo, indeed, which appeared to be the
presage of perpetual peace and security, without
rendering the country insensible to the merits of
those who had served her effectually during the

ccxvi MEMOIR OF

struggles of the past years, in a certain degree
eclipsed them. A short period of repose sufficed
to revive attention to those differences which had
been disregarded in the anxiety of a common
danger, and the relations between Eussia and Per-
sia again formed a subject of discussion in England,
But it seemed at first as if all national had merged
in European interests. Sir Gore, however, received
both attention and rcAvard sufficiently gratifying
and generous, and the very general respect with
which he was regarded, repaid him for his dangers
and exertions. He retired to his villa in Hertford-
shire, to obtain that repose of body and mind which
both he and Lady Ouseley so much needed. Here
he resided many years, fulfilling the duties of a
country gentleman and a good neighbour. His
amiable disposition, cheerful manners, and enter-
taining and instructive conversation, induced many
to seek his acquaintance and society, and he en-
joyed the friendship of the most illustrious indivi-
duals in the land. He subsequently removed to
Hall-Barn Park, near Beconsfield, in Bucks, where
he resided until his death. He was sworn one of
the Lords of the Privy Council in 1819, and in
1821 assisted officially at the coronation of King
Greorge IV.

In the year 1823, Sir Gore Ouseley, in conjunc-
tion with Sir George Staunton, Mr. Haughton, Mr.

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxvii

Shakespeare, Sir Alexander Johnstone, Dr.Noehden,
and other Oriental scholars, assisted Mr. Colebrooke
in the institution of the Eoyal Asiatic Society of
London. It appears surprising that such a society
was not formed earlier, since the Asiatic Society
of Bengal had been formed many years before,
and its Transactions had obtained much attention.
But the study of Eastern languages and literature,
or research into natural and antiquarian curiosities,
does not appear at first to have been very popular
with the younger officers in either service of the
East India Company. The pursuit sometimes for-
warded neither their fame nor their interests, when
not industriously carried on its results seemed
unimportant, and possibly they may have been
induced to regard it as unprofitable and unpractical.
Better and juster views, however, became dif-
fused. The Royal Asiatic Society in a few years
numbered very many members, including the most
eminent scholars; and the labours of some have
augmented, and are continuing to advance, the
literary renown of our country. Sir Gore Ouseley
was chosen one of the Vice-Presidents of the
Society and a Member of the Council, and, whilst
his health permitted, took an active share in the
proceedings, and displayed great interest for the
prosperity, of the Society. In his endeavours for
the advancement of Oriental literature, Sir Gore

ccxviii MEMOIR OF

Ouseley was afterwards aided by a younger, but not
less ardent associate. Colonel George Fitzclarence,
afterw^ards Earl of Munster, had passed a few
years in the East Indies, had become deeply inte-
rested by what he saw there, had engaged in the
study and observation of subjects connected with
the East, and had returned home filled with admi-
ration and zeal. He felt assured that the regions
through which he had travelled contained stores of
intellectual information scarcely explored, and he
thought that not only the history, but also the
military science of Eastern nations, merited atten-
tion, and could be illustrated from Oriental
sources. He threw himself into this pursuit mth
ardour which never abated. But it is to be
lamented that, although he chose military history
and science as the object of his OAvn researches,
yet that he suffered himself to be overwhelmed
and retarded by turning too often aside for the
purpose of examining various interesting but
recondite points, which arose to view in the course
of his studies. He would look back into the
origin of nations, and find facts which led him to
examine whether, amongst the first tribes, men
of superior knowledge, of greater strength, or most
universal influence, first established rule ; whether
learned men, soldiers, or priests were the first
governors ; whether intelligence first devised force,

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxix

or force employed intelligence. Such points as
these occupied his thoughts, and imdted him still
farther into the recesses of mysterious research,
and the intricacies of Hindu metaphysics and
theology ; inducing him, for example, to endeavour
the elucidation of the above questions by com-
paring them with other traces of early tradition,
not always to be safely pursued; — the curious
fact, for instance, that the name given by some
races to the Good Principle is attributed by
others to the Evil Principle, and vice versd, and
that there appears sometimes a collision, and some-
times a coalition of these notions. These and other
less cloudy and more useful points would lead
him to inquire, study, and examine; and, probably,
whilst they increased his materials, embarrassed
him in commencing the task of reducing them.

In the year 1828, the attention of Sir Gore
Ouseley, Sir Alexander Johnstone, Colonel Fitz-
clarence, and other members of the Royal Asiatic
Society, was drawn to the consideration of the
amount of literary information which might be
found in the numerous Oriental MSS. which were
deposited in public and private libraries, and which
they were of opinion ought to have been long before
translated. It was impossible to expect that
many individuals could, if they were willing, incur
the risk of certain loss by publishing works which

ccxx MEMOIR OF

would at first be more expensive than popular. It
has not been the practice of Government directly
to encourage literary exertions ; and the East
India Company have for the most part confined
their patronage to elementary or philological
works, useful for their ci^dl and military officers, or
required in their colleges. Meanwhile, very many
MS. works, which contained useful and curious
information, and which might elucidate history,
clear up doubts, remove errors, explain diff'erent
religions, amuse and entertain the mind, and, at all
events open to all new subjects for profitable
reflection and interesting research, remained ne-
glected, the food of worms, in various collections,
and having been conveyed from lands where they
were valued and studied, were left almost unnoticed
and unknown. Such considerations as these, urged
in a letter from the Rev. Professor Lee, to Sir
Alexander Johnstone, induced several eminent per-
sons, of whom Sir Gore Ouseley and Colonel Fitz-
clarence were amongst the most zealous and active,
to seek for a remedy to this evil, by engrafting
upon the Eoyal Asiatic Society a committee which
should devote itself to the choice and superintendence
of translations from Oriental languages into English
(if possible), Latin, or French. They were success-
ful in founding the " Oriental Translation Commit-
" tee of Great Britain and Ireland," and in obtaining

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxxi

for its support subscriptions from the King, the Royal
Family, several of the Sovereigns of Europe, many of
the nobility, and of the various public colleges and
libraries at home and abroad. Sir Gore Ouseley
was elected chairman; Mr. C. W. Wynn, Sir G. T.
Hamilton, Sir E. H. East, Sir A. Johnstone,
Colonel Mark Wilks, and Colonel Fitzclarence,
deputy chairmen; Sir Graves Haughton, Mr.
Shakespeare, successively honorary secretaries ;
and Mr. Morritt, auditor. The committee in-
cluded the most eminent oriental scholars. King
William the IVth granted several gold medals to
reward translators, and was also patron of the in-
stitution. Her Majesty, the present Queen, after-
wards graciously consented to become Patroness.
Sir Gore Ouseley took the most lively interest in
the prosperity of this society. He constantly pre-
sided at the meetings of the committee, and was
ever ready by his influence to promote its usefulness
and reputation. His presence in the chair was
always acceptable to the members, who were in-
structed by his experience, and pleased with the
curious anecdotes and reminiscences which enliv-
ened his cheerful conversation.

In the year 1842 Sir William Ouseley died.
Sir Gore was deeply and even alarmingly af-
fected by the loss of a brother whose early
zeal for Oriental learning had been suggested

ccxxii MEMOIR OF

by his example, and had stimulated his own
studies. The Society for the Publication of Orien-
tal Texts was also instituted this year. This had
been one of the objects contemplated by the Ori-
ental Translation Committee, but the amount of
funds at the disposal of the latter were insufficient
to effect it. Yet it is evident, that correct texts
must facilitate accurate and useful translations,
and that a translator, who must also act as an
editor, and ascertain from the collation of different
MSS., as he proceeds, the best readings, is inter-
rupted and embarrassed in the fulfilment of his
immediate task ; nor are the same persons always
qualified for criticism and illustration. The Orien-
tal Text Society, therefore, has undertaken a most
useful, although laborious enterprise, and is entitled
to the honour and success which patient industry
and accurate scholarship deserve. Of this society
also Sir Gore Ouseley, whose large collection of
beautiful MSS. afforded ample opportunities for
critical research, was elected President.

Oriental literature lost about this time a zealous
patron, by the sad and premature death of the
Earl of Munster. His kindness of disposition and
readiness to oblige secured the attaclmient of all
who knew him ; and it is melancholy to think
that too intense a devotion to difficult and
abstruse studies, may possibly have injured the

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxxiii

health of a nobleman who needed the excitement
of active occupation to relieve the mental fatigue
of unbroken attention.

In such pursuits as these, in literary corres-
pondence and leisure, the ex-Ambassador passed
the latter years of his life, enjoying general re-
spect and esteem, always ready to oblige, and
to afford the benefit of his opinion and patronage
to those by whom, both at home and abroad, it
was frequently sought. It would have been fortu-
nate if he could have been induced, or inclined,
to preserve and publish some memorials of the
events of his past years, instead of reserving them
for the entertainment of his friends or the pleasing
subject of his reflections. For, doubtless, the
strange, wild, magnificent, and dangerous scenes
of former times, frequently recurred to his waking
thoughts; and he has admitted that in his dreams
he would sometimes speak in Persian, carried back
probably to Lucknow or Tahran, — fighting the re-
fractory ryots, counselling Saadut Ali, conversing
with the Shah in the palace or the camp, disputing
with the ministers, or listening in the desert to
the fabulous tales of his escort.

And this remark recalls to the editor, and induces
him to mention some particulars of the last conver-
sation which he held with one from whom he had
received unvarying kindness. Some allusion had

ecxxiv MEMOIR OF

probably been made to the lingering remnants of
Christianity still found in the writings and opi-
nions of the Persians, and the observation had
been offered, that some of these miraculous tales
respecting their saints found in their poetry were
evidently borrowed from the Christian legends,
and that traces of the Greek fathers might also be
discovered; Sir Grore Ouseley mentioned in refer-
ence to these points, the curious circumstance
that miniature pictures of the Holy Family not un-
frequently occur in Persian MSS. He described
the manner by which he succeeded, not only
in conveying to the Shah (for Mr. Martyn)
the gift of a copy of the Holy Scriptures,
but also in prevailing upon him to promise that
he would read it, by informing the King that
he himself had read the Koran. He re-
marked, that the descriptions and narratives of
the Bible greatly struck and impressed him,
because the details and incidents in them were
entirely Oriental, and referred to habits and ways
of thought which were familiar to him; and he
alluded particularly to the Parable of the Pharisee
and the Publican, as a scene which he could not
only picture in imagination, but which in its main
particulars he had himself beheld. He could re-
cognize their characters and appearance, realize
their feelings and prejudices, and was the more

SIR GORE OUSELEY. ccxxv

vividly impressed with the divine lesson, because
he could so well appreciate the circumstances
from which He who spake vouchsafed to derive
it.*

Sir Gore Ouseley although since his return
from Persia, he suffered from attacks of gout and
rheumatism, which afflicted his hands and feet, yet,
in other respects, enjoyed good health. When
debarred by these attacks from his favourite
amusements of turning and riding, in both of
which arts he excelled, he diverted himself by
drawing, painting, emblazoning, and illuminating,
and many specimens remain which attest his admi-
rable taste and skill in these accomplishments.
But during the last two years of his life a great
change was observed in him, especially by his
affectionate family, and his strength appeared to

* It was also in the course of this conversation (the editor
thinks,) that Sir Gore Ouseley spoke of a curious property
believed in Persia to belong to one species of rose. He said that
he once, after enjoying the scent of some roses, felt symptoms of
a cold in the head so shortly afterwards as to feel almost per-
suaded that the scent had in some manner caused it. Upon
mentioning his impression to some Persians, they declared that
the fragrance of a certain kind of rose was always followed
by that unpleasant result. Sir Gore then quoted a Persian
distich, which he had probably subsequently discovered, to the
following effect : " Give me wine, but not that wine which causes
'' indigestion ; give mc roses, but not those roses which produce a
'' cold in the head."

P

ccxxvi SIR GORE OUSELF.Y.

fail. On the 30th of October, 1844, he took his
last ride, and on the 1st I^ovember, after his
return from London, where he had passed the
morning, to his seat at Hall Barn Park, he was
attacked by a disease which subsequently proved to
be ulceration of the intestines. He grew gradu-
ally worse until the 15th, when he consented to
remain, for the first time, in bed. On the 17tli
his medical attendants announced his approaching
dissolution. He, however, survived for thirty-two
hours in great agony, Avhich he endured with the
utmost resignation. He addressed expressions of
deep affection and kind farewell to his afflicted
family and sorrowing domestics, retained sense
and consciousness to the last moment, and was so
perfectly calm and collected that he even prayed
in Persian. His sufferings were terminated by
death on Monday the 18th, 1844, in the 75th
year of his age.

Sir Gore Ouseley was Grand Cross of the
Royal Guelphic Order, and of the Russian Order
of St. Alexander Newski, and Grand Cordon of
the Persian Order of the Lion and the Sun. His
widow and three children survived him, and he
was succeeded in the baronetcy by his only son,
Frederick Arthur Gore.

Note on Page cxvii.

Mirza Abiil Hasan had also offended the Shah by affirming
that the artillery-men at Woolwich were able to ascertain the
number of cannon balls in a pile by counting the number con-
tained in one row.

Note on Page cxviii.

Abdullah was afterwards in the service of Bishop Heber in
India.

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J

TO THE COMMITTEE

OF

THE ORIENTAL TRANSLATION FUND.

My dear Friends and Colleagues, —

My attention has lately been given to an
object, the carrying into execution of which, I
conceive, may prove of some utility to the Oriental
Translation Fund.

As offers are sometimes made to the Committee
by competent proficients in the Eastern languages,
to translate works in different classes of literature,
for publication, it appears very desirable for us to
possess, not only a Catalogue of Oriental Manu-
scripts from which a selection could be made, but
also that the title of each work should be accom-
panied with a description of the character it bore
amongst the native critics of the country where it
was composed, and also a biographical notice of the
author, so as to enable the Committee to effect a

B

1 ADDRESS.

choice of the most approved compositions, for the
benefit of the Fund's generous supporters.

With this object in view, I beg leave, with your
permission, to offer an account of thirty-one works
and their authors, drawn from my own Oriental
Library, to your kind acceptance, as a commence-
ment of the above plan ; and as long as life is spared
to me T shall follow up my purpose, by publishing
from time to time additional notices of JNIanuscripts
from the complete store in my own collection. I

Where the biographical notices are scant, I
shall occasionally translate extracts from the works
themselves, that the Committee may be able to
form an opinion of their eligibility for publication.

I have not pursued any chronological order in
the specimens that I now send. The number
affixed to each is merely that which it bears in the
private Catalogue of my Manuscripts.

I have the honour to subscribe myself,
Your devoted and affectionate
Chairman and Servant,

Gore Ouseley.

List of Thirty-one Persian Compositions, with Critical
Remarks of Native Reviewers, and Biographical No-
tices of the Authors, translated by the Right Honorable
. Sir Gore Ouseley, Bart., F.R.S., F.A.S., &^c. S^-c.

1 The entire Works of Slieikh Saadi of Shiraz.

2 The Diwan of Khajah Hafiz of Shiraz.

3 The Khemseh or " Five Poems" of Sheikh

Nizam i of Ganjah.

4 The Great Rampart of Alexander, by Amir

Alishir.

5 Shah Nameh, or Book of Kings, by Ferdusi of

Tns.
137 Ditto, a second copy.
105 Ditto, a third copy.

235 The Diwan of Kasim Al Anwar. Bound uj*

Avith No. 2.

236 The Diwan of ]\leghrebi, ditto.

6 The Diwan of Abdul Wasaa Jebeli.

7 The Methnavi, by Jelaluddin Rumi.

8 The Works of Selman of Sava.

9 The Beharistan of Abdurrahman Jami.

13 The Diwan of Shahi.

14 Heft Menzer, or the " Seven Faces," by Hatefi.
1 6 Khemseh, or " The Five Poems," by Amir

Khiisru of Dehli.

19 The Diwan of Zehiruddin of Fariab,

20 The Works of Khakani.
35 The Diwan of Noui.

B 2

4 LIST OF PERSIAN COMPOSITIONS.

73 " Tlie Burning and Consuming," by Muhammed
Reza Xoui.

37 "The Taper and the Moth," by Navab Aakil

Khan.

38 The Diwan of Sheikh Feizi.
43 The Diwan of Talib of Amal.

50 " A Collection of Exquisite Things," Memoirs,

by Sirajuddin Ali.
64 Hedikeh, "An enclosed Garden," a moral

poem, by Sheikh Senai.
90 The Poetical Works of Shemsuddin Katebi.
146 The Diwan of Sheikh Kamal of Khejend.

151 The entire Works of Sheikh Emad.

152 The Romance of Meher and Mi^ishteri, by

]\luhammed Assar.

153 The Diwan of Mirza Muhammed Ali Saib,
234 A History of Persia, by Abdulla Wasaf.

Fragments.

The Seven Faces.

The Banquet of Behram Gur.

The King and his Vizir.

No. 1.— SAADI.

A complete Collection of the Compositions in Prose and
Verse, of Muslahuddin Sheikh Saadi, of Shirdz, con-
sisting of the foUowing works: —

1 ^^b:«*Xf The Rose Garden. Giilistan.

2 4^U*s,j.j Bustaii. The Garden of Odours.

3 *.>-l-A:>^ j^-^^ J"^ i^'^'^j A Short Essay on Prefaces.

4 A^M^^LT^L:^ The Five Assemblies or Discourses.

5 ^^yi<^ <^:^\as *5L*^j Anecdote of the Minister of

Finance.

6 vJiviifi J JJU ^5U,j Essay on Reason and Love.

7 »^^U C^s^Aaj Advice to Kings.

8 ^ iSj^i ^^j^xJly^^ffci Anecdote of Melik Shemsud-

din, the Arabic Orator.

9 jiU5Cj^ *3l-^j Anecdote of King Ankianu.

10 ,j vx5\ »NjlAa5 Arabic Idvls.

11 ^^v.jLji5\ »>oIa^3 Persian Idyls.

12 JiSj^ v*-^'^ A Book of Elegies.

13 c-U^X^ c-jLxT Poems composed of alternate verses,

Arabic and Persian.

14 vIjUa:^. J>* Poems with particular burdens.

15 cUaL!! Ornamented Poems, entitled " Pure

Odours."

16 ^^^j Rhetorical Odes.

17 clxlai^ Fragments and Sentences.

6 SAADI.

18 vi^Lx-xirv]! The Book of Impurities, in verse.

19 c-IaJvj Jests and Obscenities, verse and prose.
10 ^Ur'j^ Tetrastics.

21 clJ^iLo Distichs.

22 ^^\^^ Odes, entitled " Final Odes/'

23 *->>5 cL>J\.£ Saadi's Early Odes.

24 aaa=:»Ia<3 t^ur Poems addressed to particular

Individuals.

The collector of Sheikh Saadi's different works
commenced this compilation thirty-two years after
his death, and, with alterations and improvements in
its arrangement, finished it in its present form a.h.
734, A.D. 1333, about forty lunar years after the
author's decease. Tiie compiler was Ali bin Ahmed
Abibekr, of Bissitun.

Sheikh Maslahuddin Saadi was born at Shiraz,
the capital of Fars, a.h. 589, a.d. 1193, and lived,
according to Doulat Shah, one hundred and two
years, or, as others assert, one hundred and twenty
years; thirty of which he passed in the acquirement
of learning, thirty more in travelling through various
countries of the world, and the remainder in per-
forming acts of piety and devotion, in calm and
contented retirement, near his native city, Shiraz.
He was patronized by Atabeg Saad bin Zengi, who
then reigned over Fars, and from him assumed his
TakhalCis or poetical title of Saadi. Our author's
father held some post of distinction about the court.

SAADI. /

and liis maternal uncle was the celebrated Mulla
Kutb, the learned disciple of Khajah Nasiruddin, of
Tus.

Saadi commenced his studies in the Nizamian
college of Baghdad, under Sheikh Abul Ferali bin
Jouzi, and afterwards became the pupil of Sheikh
Abdul Kader Gilani. From him he learned the
nature of the Divinity and the principles of the
Siifi doctrine, and with him made liis first pilgrimage
to Mecca. He subsequently performed fourteen
more (chiefly on foot) ; assisted in the holy wars
against the infidels in Asia INIinor and in India;
saw and observed the peculiarities of the distant
regions of the earth, and thus enriched his stock of
intellectual acquirement ; as he says —

" I have wandered to various regions of the
" world, and everywhere have I mixed freely with
"the inhabitants; I have gathered something in each
" corner; I have gleaned an ear from every harvest."

But in some of his travels he was not so fortu-
nate as in others, having on one occasion been taken
prisoner by the Franks, in the Holy Land, and when
ransomed from that captivity, thrown into the claws
of a vixen wife, who rendered his life miserable in
every way.

8 SAADI.

We gather the anecdote from his Gulistan.

" Weary of the society of my friends at Damas-
" cus I fled to the barren wastes of Jerusalem, and
" associated with brutes, until I Mas made captive
" by the Franks, and forced to dig clay, along with
" Jews, in the fortifications of Tripoli. One of the
" nobles of Aleppo, my ancient friend, happened to
" pass that way and recollected me; he said, ' what
"a state is this to be in, how farest thou?' I an-
" swered, * Seeing that I could place confidence in
" God alone I retired to the mountains and wilds,
" to avoid the society of man; but judge what must
" be my situation now, that I am confined in a stall
" in company with wretches who deserve not the
" name of men. To be chained by the feet, with
" friends, is better than to be free to walk in a
" garden with strangers.' He took compassion on
*' my forlorn condition, ransomed me from the
" Franks for ten dinars, and took me with him to
" Aleppo. My friend had a daughter, to whom he
" married me, and presented me with one hundred
" dinars as her dower. After some time my wife
" unveiled her disposition, which was ill-tempered,
" quarrelsome, obstinate, and abusive, so that the
" happiness of my life vanished. It has been well
" said,'

' A bad woman, in the house of a virtuous
' man, is his hell even in this world. Take care

SAADI. 9

' how you connect yourself with a bad woman.
' Save us, O Lord, from this fiery trial!'

" Once she reproached me with the following
" taunt: — ' Art not thou the creature whom my
" father ransomed from captivity amongst the
"Franks for ten dinars?' 'Yes,' I answered, ' he
" redeemed me for ten dinars, and enslaved me to
" you for a hundred.' "

" I heard that a great man once rescued a
" sheep from the mouth of a wolf, but at night
" drew his knife across his throat. The expiring
" sheep thus complained: ' You delivered me
" certainly from the jaws of a wolf, but in the
" end, I perceive that you have yourself become
" a wolf to me.'"

Amongst various instances of the respect and
veneration in which Saadi was held by the princes
and nobles of his day, foreigners as well as his own
countrymen, Mir Gholam Ali Azad, in his " Khaza-
neh i Aamra" (Royal Treasury), relates that Sultan
Muhammed Kaan, generally known as Khan i
Shell! d (the martyr Lord}, Governor of Multan,

10 SAADI.

twice sent the most flattering messages to Sheikh
Saadi, at Shiraz, intreating him to honour him and
his court with a visit, and forwarding, with his last
invitation, a copy of the celebrated Amir Khusru's
poems. Saadi, although pleased with this distinc-
tion from a foreigner, similar to many which he had
received from the rulers of Iran, pleaded his
advanced age as an excuse for not waiting on the
Prince, and sent him a copy of his poems, in his own
handwTiting, accompanied by letters of praise and
commendation of Amir Khiisru's poetry.

But, notwithstanding his apology to Sultan
Muliammed Kaan, we learn that even at a more
advanced age, he crossed the Indus, to visit the
poet Amir Khusru at Dehli, being the fourth time
that he had travelled into that distant country.

With the exception perhaps of the celebrated
Ibn Batuta, Saadi was the greatest Oriental travel-
ler that we have ever heard of; for he had traversed
Asia Minor, Barbary, Abyssinia, Egypt, Syria,
Palestine, Armenia, Arabia, all the provinces of
Iran, many of those of Turan, India, Rudbar, Dei-
lem, Kashghar beyond the Jeihun, and from Basra
and Baghdad to the Scythian Wall.

He was in Dehli during the reign of the Pathan
King Aglamish, and again, according to Sheikh
Azeri in his "Juaher al Asrar" (Jewels of (Sufi)
Secrets), on a visit to the illustrious Amir Khusru.

Saadi was a consummate linguist, as may be

SAADI. 1 1

gathered from one of his " Fragments," in which
he gives a line in eacli of eighteen different lan-
guages, dialects and idioms, as spoken in the various
regions he had visited.

We learn also, by a paper in the " Journal Asia-
tique" of January, 1843, written by my learned and
ingenious friend, INI. Garcin de Tassy, that Sheikh
Saadi was the iirst person who composed verses
in the Hindustani language, named "Rikhtah,"
when sojourning at Somnath, in Gujrat.

In mentioning the name of a gentleman M'ho
has conferred such inestimable favours on European
Orientalists, I regret my inability to do justice to
the merits, the zeal, talent, and perseverance of
M. Garcin de Tassy, whose luminous pen and sound
critical acumen have brought to light what have
hitherto been a hidden treasure, — the beauties of
the Hindustani literature and language.

Saadi, in the latter part of his life, retired to a
cell near Shiraz, where he remained buried in con-
templation of the Divinity, except when visited, as
was often the case, by Princes, Lords, and learned
men. It was the custom of his illustrious visitants
to take with them meats and all kinds of viands, of
which, when Saadi and his company had partaken,
the Sheikh always put what remained in a basket
suspended from his window, that the poor wood-
cutters of Shiraz, who daily passed by his cell,
might occasionally satisfy their hunger. It is said,

12 SAADI.

and firmly believed in Persia, that a man dressed
as a wood-cutter, one day, with the intent of plun-
der, approached the basket, but ere his hand reached
its contents, it dried up and withered. Concluding
that it was a miracle worked by the Sheikh, he
cried out to him for assistance; the holy man, in a
reproving tone, said, " If thou art a wood-cutter,
" where are thy blistered hands, thy wounds from
" thorns, and thy labour-worn frame? Or if a rob-
" ber, where is thy climbing-rope, thy arms, and
" thy hardened boldness that should have restrained
" thee from thus moaning and crying?" He, how-
ever, took compassion on the wretched culprit,
offered up a prayer for the restoration of his arm,
and even bestowed upon him, with a proper admo-
nition, a portion of the viands which he had in
vain attempted to carry off by stealth.

It is further related, as a species of miracle, that
a religious man at Shiraz, who was possibly envious
of Saadi's great reputation for sanctity, frequently
affected to doubt its being genuine, and to dis-
believe his being a favourite of Heaven, One night,
in a dream, this man was transported to Paradise,
where the souls of the blessed were singing the
praises of the Almighty, On inquiry, he found
that they were chaunting a verse of Saadi's com-
position which, they said, was more acceptable to
God than one year's adoration of the whole choir of
angels. He awoke and approached the Sheikh's

SAADI. 13

door ; great was his surprise to find him arisen and
in the act of chaunting in holy extacy the identical
couplet which he had heard in his dream.

" The foliage of a newly-clothed tree, to the
" eye of a discerning man, in every leaf displays
"a volume of the wonderous works of our
"Creator."

The religious man fell at »Saadi's feet, related
his dream, and having obtained his blessing, re-
turned home his most enthusiastic admirer.

Sheikh Saadi, although absorbed chiefly in holy
contemplative study, conversed freely on all sub-
jects with men of erudition, and those who showed
an inclination to acquire it. He was very clever at
repartee, and at times even descended to jest,
ribaldry, and obscenity, as his works demonstrate.

He was a great admirer of beautiful youths,
like all other Sufis, we may hope, who profess the
most ardent, but Platonic affection for individuals
of their own sex, famous for beauty and talent,
declaring it to be less selfish than the love of man
to woman, and that they pay the most perfect
adoration to the Creator, by thus disinterestedly
loving and admiring his handy-work.

•o J«j Li^ojji.* '--^*«^. y^^ is^ji y^

14 SAADI.

Saadi, having heard of the exquisite personal
charms of the son of Khajali Humamuddin, a man of
distinction as well as of great poetical talent at
Tabriz, he travelled to that city for tlie sole purpose
of gratifying his eyes with a sight of his beauty.
This, however, was attended with difficulty, as the
Khajah seldom allowed the beloved object of his
parental tenderness to leave his presence, even
when he went to the bath. Saadi, determined in
his object, ascertained the days on which Humam
visited the bath, and took care to be there before
his arrival. The Khajah, disgusted at finding
a stranger there, placed his son behind him,
which disconcerted 8aadi not a little ; but after a
moment's pause, to have an opportunity of ap-
proaching him, he took up a pitcher of water and
politely presented it to the father. Humam, dis-
pleased with his officiousness, asked him roughly,
" From whence come you?" Saadi said, " From the
delightful soil of Shiraz." In a sarcastic tone the
Khajah said, " Why, the Shirazis in Tabriz are more
(in number) than dogs." Saadi smiled and retorted,
"The very reverse of our city, where Tabrizis are
less (in estimation as well as number) than dogs."

After some pause Humam again attacked him
on the baldness of his head, a defect generally
ascribed to the inhabitants of Shiraz; and turning
up the vessel in his hand, asked, " How comes it
" that the heads of the Shirazis resemble the

SAADI. 15

" bottom of this bowl?" "By the same rule," said
Saadi, " that the heads of the Tabrizis resemble the
' ' otherside (hollow) of the bowl." Humam, greatly
vexed at such cutting retorts, sought to puzzle the
stranger with his poetry, asking him if he had
ever heard of Humam's Odes in Shiraz. Saadi
answered that they were generally known and
admired there. "Can you repeat any of them?"
asked Humam. " Yes," replied Saadi, " I perfectly
" recollect this couplet" which he composed for the
purpose at the moment.

" Between me and the beloved one (alluding to
" the youth who was sitting behind his father)
" Humam is a veil; it is now time even for that
" to be removed.''

Humam instantly conjecturing that nobody but
Saadi could be the witty adversary with whom he
was carrying on so unequal a conflict, asked him if
he was not Sheikh 8aadi, the brightest ornament and
pride of Shiraz; and on his pleading to the name,
fell at his feet, and after many apologies took him
with him to his house, where he was entertained
during his stay at Tabriz in a style of princely hos-
pitality, and in the enjoyment of daily contemplating
the charms, intellectual and physical, of the youth
whose fame had attracted his steps to such a dis-
tance from his highly-prized home.

In the Majalis al Aashak (Assemblies of Lovers),
composed by Sultan Husein, a descendant of the

16 SAADI.

Great Tiniur, it is asserted that the beautiful youth,
beloved and admired by the venerable Sheikh, from
impatience of disposition, could not sit out the
reciting of Idyls, or any long poems; which was the
first cause of leading the great bard to the composi-
tion of short odes. This incident is only one out of
numerous instances in the above book, that describe
the wonderful influence of the pure Platonic affec-
tion of the good, devout, and holy Svifi poets, for
beautiful and ingenious youths.

The following anecdote is from the same volume.
Saadi, in the bath of Shiraz, one day was accosted
in a courteous matter, by a stranger of an intellec-
tual countenance and most charming manners, who
it appeared after some conversation, had lately
arrived from Khorasan. The Sheikh, feeling his
way, asked the intelligent stranger if the poetry of
Saadi was at all known in Khorasan; and being
answered in the affirmative, he requested him to
repeat some of his verses. The stranger complied,
and by the ingenious choice of his quotations, caused
Saadi to have some idea of his identity, and, follow-
ing it up, he begged to know if he could repeat any
of a certain Hakim Nizari's verses. He said yes,
and recited the following stanza: —

* "A report has gone abroad that I have

ij^J 1.^1 ».jyj ^ ^^CKtM^:s: j.>£> ^Vx^i

SAADI. ] 7

*' renounced the enjoyment of wine, but it is a
" clear calumny ; where and when have I re-
"pented?"

The Sheikh immediately concluded that the
stranger was Nizari himself, and invited him to his
house, where he feasted him with the most princely
hospitality. After three days' sojourn, Nizari bid
the Sheikh farewell, and at the moment of depar-
ture said to his confidential servant, that if ever he
had the honour of seeing his master in Khorasan,
he would teach him the proper way of entertaining
his guests.

When this strange observation reached the ears
of Saadi, he, considering it a reflection on his mode
of treating his friends, felt much regret and annoy-
ance, as he had incurred great expense to mark his
respect for his honoured guest. Not long after the
above incident, Saadi, in the course of his travels,
found himself near Nizari's residence in Khorasan,
to which he was invited in the kindest manner. On
the first day, the dinner was but slender; on the
second, it consisted of a single partridge; on the
third, a small bit of boiled meat in rice; and on
the fourth day, only a mess of soup. He then
addressed the Sheikh : " I should have found great
" difficulty in giving you even one day's dinner in
" the sumptuous style that reigned at your hospi-
" table board during the three days which I had the

18 SAADI.

" happiness of passing with you; but in this, my
" economical mode of entertainment, I could indulge
" myself for years in the pleasure of your society,
" without feeling the expense."

This explained to Saadi the parting words of
Nizari to his servant at Shiraz.

The Diwan of Saadi is, by his countrymen,
reckoned to be the true Salt Mine (quasi Attic)
of Persian poets. His Rose Garden, (^^U^J^)
under the Latin dress of the learned Gentius, has
for many years charmed the literati of Europe ;
and without offering any critical remarks myself,
I shall rest his title to be considered an author of
great celebrity on the following paragraph from the
luminous pen of our amiable countryman and erudite
Orientalist, the late Sir William Jones.

" Saadi," says he, " flourished in the thirteenth
" century, when the Atabegs of Fars encouraged
" men of learning in their principality; his life was
" almost wholly spent in travel ; but no man who
" enjoyed the greatest leisure, ever left behind him
" more valuable fruits of his genius and industry."

Sheikh Saadi died at Shiraz, in the reign of
Atabeg JMuhammed Shah, Bin Mazafer Silghar
Shah, Bin Saad, Bin Zengi, a.h. 691, a.d. 1291.

An illustrious poet has recorded the date of his

SAADI. 19

decease in the following Tetrastic, in which the
numeral leters ^^o! make up 691.

"It was the night of Friday in the month
*' Shawal, in the Arabian year 691, when the
" pure soul of Sheikh Saadi, like a Phoenix,
" spread its wings, and fled from its earthly
" prison."

In some of the transcripts I have seen the
above meaning given in a different Persian dress.

The following extract is from a work entitled
"Observations made on a Tour from Bengal to
" Persia in 1786-7," by Ensign William Franklin:—

"A mile to the eastward of Dil Giisha, is the
" tomb of the celebrated Sheikh Saadi, situated at
" the foot of the mountains that bound Shiraz to
" the north-east, and is a large square building, at
" the upper end of which are two alcoves, recesses

C 2

20 SAADI.

" ill the wall: that on the right hand is the tomb of
" the Sheikh, just in the state it was when he was
" buried, built of stone, six feet in length, and two
" and a half in breadth : on the sides of it are
" engraved many sentences in the old Naskh
" character, relating to the poet and his works.
" Saadi flourished about 550 years ago, and his
" works are held in great esteem amongst all the
" Eastern nations, for their morality and the ex-
" cellent precepts they inculcate. On the top of the
" tomb is a covering of painted wood, black and
" gold, on which is an ode of the Sheikh's, written
" in the modern Nastaalik character, and on re-
*' moving this board, is perceived the empty stone
" cofRn in which the Sheikh was buried. This, the
" religious who come here, take care to strew with
" flowers, rosaries, and various relics. On the top
" of the tomb is placed, for the inspection of all
" who visit there, a copy of the Sheikh's works,
" most elegantly transcribed. On the side of the
" walls are many Persian verses, written by those
" who have at different times visited the place. The
" building is now going to ruin, and unless repaired,
" must soon fall entirely to decay. It is much to
" be regretted that the uncertain state of affairs in
" the country will not admit of any one's being at
*' the expense of repairing it. Adjoining to this
" building are the graves of many religious men,
" who have been buried liere at their own request."

SAADI. 21

In the beginning of the year 1811 I passed
some months at Shiraz, in my way to Tehran, the
capital, to which I was proceeding as Ambassador
Extraordinary of His Britannic Majesty George
III. to the Court of Fateh Ali Shah, King of Per-
sia, and during my stay I often visited the vene-
rated tomb of Sheikh Saadi. The prediction of
Mr. Franklin, above quoted, was nearly accom-
plished ; the tomb was in a state of dilapidation,
the building over it almost in ruins, and not a
vestige of the garden to be seen. The wonder is,
that even so much of the buildings remains as it
is; so long ago as the year 1683, the learned
Ksempfer (in his Amoenitates Exotica^,) found it
nearly in a similar state ; for, of tlie tomb he says,
"Totum mausoleum, vetustate deturpatum, ad rui-
nam graviter inclinat ;" and of the garden, " Hortus
sabulosi fundi, omnique cultu destitutus et neglec-
tus, nihil quod proedicare possim, calamo substituit."
A small sum, I thought, properly applied, would at
all events have arrested the strong hand of decay,
that hovered over the Saadiah, and my reverence
for Saadi and his works induced me to contribute
that trifle from myself; but the Governor-General
of Fars, His Royal Highness Husein Ali Mirza,
the Shah's fifth son, too proud to accede to my
wishes, and too avaricious to be at the expense
himself, would not allow me to carry my intentions
into execution, but promised to put it himself into

22 SAADI,

as fine a state of repair as the Vakil, Kerim Khan
Zend, had done the tomb of Hafiz.

But he has not fulfilled his promise, and it is
to be feared and lamented that ere long not a stone
will tell where the once brightest ornament of
Persia, the matchless possessor of piety, genius, and
learning, was entombed.

This very beautiful manuscript, consisting of
816 pages, is most curiously transcribed in the
finest Naskh character, with the diacritical points
added throughout, so as to obviate all difficulty of
the true reading or pronunciation of each word.
The illuminations are rich, and every page is ruled
in gold and colours. It was copied by the cele-
brated scribe Nasir bin Husein, of Mecca, a.h. 856,
A.D. 1452.

23

No. 2.— THE DIWAN OF KHAJEH HAFIZ OF
SHIRAZ.

Shemsuddin Muhammed, with the poetical title
of Hafiz, the wonder of the learned age in which
he lived, was born at Shiraz, at the period when
the princes of the Mozafar dynasty reigned in Fars.
From his youth he was addicted to study, and that
the time he devoted to the cultivation of his talents
for poetry was not thrown away, this collection of
his Odes is a most satisfactory proof. His style is
clear, unaffected, and harmonious, displaying at the
same time great learning, matured science, and
intimate knowledge of the hidden as well as the
apparent nature of things ; but above all, a certain
fascination of expression unequalled by any other
poet.

Hafiz loved retirement, and was too indepen-
dent to court the world or the world's favourites.
Whenever he left his native city, which was very
seldom, to visit a distant friend, even for a short
time, his odes bear testimony to the regret with
which his mind was filled. Witness one written
whilst visiting the King of Yezd, which begins.

24 HAFIZ.

" We have departed, as thou knowest, and our
grief-worn heart can tell.

"To where does bad fortune direct our un-
happy residence?"

Sultan Ahmed Ilkhani, who reigned at Bagh-
dad, made splendid offers to induce Hafiz to live
with him: but he preferred a moderate sufficiency
in the quiet society of the Dervish and the scholar,
to the fluctuating pleasures of a court. He was
not, however, ungrateful for this Prince's generous
attentions, and with an apology for declining to
visit him, he sent him a beautiful poem in his
praise.

Sultan Ahmed was the son of Sultan Oweis
Jelair, after whose death he dethroned his brother
Sultan Husein, and reigned over Baghdad, Azer-
baijan, and some parts of Asia Minor, with great
pomp and splendour. He was one of the most
accomplished men of the age, an excellent painter,
illuminator, an adept in making bows and arrows,
and a worker in marquetry or mosaic. His calli-
graphy, in seven different characters, was highly cele-
brated, and his talent for poetry, both in the Persian
and Turkish languages, surprised his contemporaries.
He was also skilled in music, and composed several
treatises on that delightful science : — in short, few

*>/•■■ ■■ ' *

HAFIZ. 25

sovereigns were ever adorned with such exquisite
outward embeUishment. But, alas for human
nature ! his defects were sufficient to counterbalance
them all. He often put his subjects to death on
trivial pretences, (particularly when intoxicated
with opium,) and seriously estranged from his per-
son the affections of the most powerful families of
Baghdad,

At length the voice of public opinion became
so loud against him, that letters were written by the
chief men of Baghdad to Amir Timur (Tamerlane),
inviting him to the conquest of their city, and pro-
mising their assistance whenever his intentions
were made known. Timur approached Baghdad
A.H. 791, A.D. 1388, previously to which Sultan
Ahmed had sent him the following fragment: —

" Why should we bare our neck on the block

of misfortune ?
" Why should we despond at every trifling

attack of adversity?
" Like the Simurgh let us pass over seas and
" mountains, and thus bring the earth and water
" under our wings.

26 HAFIZ.

" Let us boldly, in pursuit of our ambitious
" wishes, place our foot on the head of empire,
" or in manly bravery sacrifice our lives at the
" shrine of courage."

Timur regretted that he could not reply in verse
himself to Sultan Ahmed's poetical bravado, but he
readily found a poet in the imperial family. Some
say that the Emperor's son, Miran Shah, others
that the Prince Sultan Khelil Bahadur, wrote the
following reply: —

" Place thy neck on the block of adversity,
" and move not thy head. Thou canst not con-
" sider trifling a most serious misfortune.

" Like the Simurgh, why shouldst thou at-
" tempt to climb the mountain Kaf? Rather,
" like the little sparrow, gather in thy wings and
"feathers, and retire.

«-M(,^Jo«I^4-^ vAWvj j^^.iw< u ts\.j /<N^-> i^i'^j-^r*^ tjlwO »J Ij

HAFIZ. 27

" Cast out from thy brain the vain conceit of
" effecting impossibihties, lest a hundred thousand
" heads (of spears) be not on the head (top) of thy
" head."

Hafiz was also invited to the court of one of the
Indian princes. JMuhammed Kasim Ferishtah re-
lates the following anecdote, in his History of the
Dek'han. Sultan Mahmud Shah Bahmani, an ac-
complished prince, learned in the sciences, a good
poet both in the Persian and Arabic languages, and
excelling in calligraphy, was also a munificent pa-
tron of literary merit. JSIany poets of Persia and
Arabia visited the Dek'han during his reign, and
drank large draughts from the overflowing fountain
of his generosity. They generally presented a poem,
on their first introduction at court, for which they
received a thousand pieces of gold from the King,
and, after a short residence, returned to their re-
spective countries, loaded with honours and gifts.

When Hafiz heard of Mahmud Shah's apprecia-
tion of talent, his hospitality and munificence, he
became anxious to visit him, but possessed not funds
suflScient for so long a journey. Mir Fazlullah
Anju, the Sultan's Vizir, on being apprized of this

28 HAFIZ.

circumstance, sent a sum of money to Hafiz at
Shiraz, and earnestly solicited the happiness of see-
ing him at the court of his sovereign. This invita-
tion was cheerfully accepted by the poet. He
accordingly gave a part of the money to his cre-
ditors, a part to his sister's children, and with the
remainder equipped himself for an overland jour-
ney.

When he had crossed the Indus, and travelled
as far as Lahor, he happened to meet an aquaint-
ance, in great distress from being pillaged by ban-
ditti, to whom, without a thought for his own wants,
he gave all the money he then possessed. This
prevented his proceeding further; but, most fortu-
nately for him, Khajah Zeinulabedin and Khajah
INIuhammed of Kazarun, two Persian merchants of
eminence, who were returning from Hindustan,
offered to bear his expenses for the gratification of
enjoying his charming society. They took him to
Hdrmuz, in the Persian Gulf, where, although some-
thing occurred to displease Hafiz, he still embarked
with them on board of a ship which had arrived
from the Dek'han, belonging to Sultan Mahmud.

Before the anchor, however, was weighed, a
terrible storm arose, which caused, by its violence,
such disgust and apprehension in the breast of
Hafiz, as induced him to relinquish all thoughts of
proceeding on the voyage. Feigning that he had
omitted to take leave of some friends at Hdrmuz,

I

HAFIZ. 29

he seized an early opportunity of leaving the ship,
promising an immediate return; but, instead of
doing so, he sent a poem by way of apology, to Mir
Fazlullah, through a friend on board the vessel, and
set off himself for Shiraz.

The following couplets form part of the poem
alluded to: —

" The whole world cannot compensate for one
" hour of care and affliction; let us therefore sell
" our garments for wine, and we shall still have
" the advantage.

" The splendour of a royal crown, the wearer
'* of which has constant fears for his life, is at-
" tractive as a cap, but certainly not worth the
" loss of the head it covers.

" At first the horrors of the sea appeared

30 HAFIZ.

" liglit, when the pearls it contained held forth
" such attractions; but I was wrong, for, after all,
" the infliction of one of its waves would not be
" compensated by a hundred-weight of gold."

On receiving this ode, Mir Fazlullah acquainted
Mahmud Shah with the whole transaction, who,
with his accustomed generosity, sent, through Mull a
Muhammed Kasim of Meshed, a present of a thou-
sand pieces of gold to Hafiz, for even his attempt to
visit him.

The bold independent spirit of Hafiz has already
been mentioned, which the two following anecdotes
will serve to illustrate : —

When the great Timur conquered Fars, and
put Shah Mansur to death, Hafiz was in Shiraz.
On being ordered into the presence of the con-
queror, alluding to a line in one of his odes, " for
" the black mole on thy cheek I would give the
" cities of Samarkand and Bokhara," he sternly said
to the poet, " I have taken and destroyed, with the
*' keen edge of my sword, the greatest kingdoms of
*' the earth, to add splendour and population to the
" royal cities of my native land, Samarkand and
" Bokhara; yet you dispose of them both at once
" for the black mole on the cheek of your beloved."
Hafiz, nothing daunted, replied, " Yes, Sire, and it
" is by such acts of generosity that I am reduced, as
*' you see, to my present state of poverty." Timur

HAFIZ. 51

smiled, and ordered him some splendid marks of his
favour.

Hafiz, being the panegyrist of Sheikh Abu
Is'hak, (one of the nobles of Halaku Khan's court,)
who Mas afterwards put to death by JMuhammed
Ibn Muzafer, could not, of course, be a favourite
with the latter prince's son, Shah Shujaa, who
hated him, not only on that account, but as a rival
in poetic composition also. The Prince was con-
stantly finding fault with Hafiz's odes before his
courtiers, and on one occasion spoke slightingly of
some of his verses to the poet himself; who indig-
nantly, but very imprudently, replied in a sarcastic
and ironical strain, " Yes, Sire, my poetry is very
" indifferent, and evidently it is the mediocrity of
" my talent that causes my poems to be sought after
" all over the world, whereas those of your High-
" ness, although of undoubted excellence, never pass
" the gates of Shiraz." As a Prince, he felt of-
fended at this cutting retort; as a poet, stung to the
heart; and he determined to lay in wait for an
opportunity of avenging himself, when the indiscreet
and heterodox sentiments scattered in Hafiz's lays
might enable him to accuse him of heresy in an
ecclesiastical court, that would possibly affect his
life. The Prince's expectations and Mishes were
not long unaccomplished, as he had the savage gra-
tification of shortly after seeing a couplet in an ode
just composed by the poet, giving the strongest

32 HAFIZ.

indication of his disbelief in a future state. Shah
Shujaa cited Hafiz before the Ulema, and urgently
suggested his condemnation as an infidel; but a
friend of the poet's having given timely intimation
of the plot against his character, and, possibly, even
his life, he wrote a new couplet immediately above
the heretical one in the ode, which not only saved
him from all rebuke, but induced every one to con-
demn the Prince for what was considered an
unfounded accusation in consequence of Hafiz's
ingenuity, in making it appear the speech of a
Christian. The added couplet comes first:

" How sweetly the song stole on my ear this
" morning from the Christian cup-bearer at the
" door of the tavern, accompanied by the drum
" and flute ! when he said,

" If this be the true faith that Hafiz professes,
" Alas ! that to-day should be followed by to-
" morrow !"

The poet Jami, in his history of eminent Sheikhs

HAFIZ. 33

and Sufis, entitled "The Odours of Friendship,"
says, that not knowing the Siifi Doctor under
whom Hafiz studied, he cannot positively determine
to w^hat sect of philosophers he belonged, but to
judge from his poetry, he should set him down as
a Siifi of great eminence. He gives him the titles
of Lisan al ghaib', "the voice from the other
"world," or "hidden voice," or "voice of mystery,"
and also Terjeman al asrar*, " the interpreter of
" secrets." Mir Gholam Ali Azad, in his " JNIemoirs
of the Poets," entitled the "Royal Treasury^" says,
that Jami gave Hafiz the first of these titles because
his verses seemed to flow spontaneously without
exertion or trouble, as if they came from the other
world, but that he conceives a better reason might
be adduced from the circumstance of his Odes,
when consulted (like the sortes Virgilianae), revealing
the hidden secrets of fate as an oracle. The poet
has said,

" The tenants of the earth (grave) reveal the

secrets of heaven.
" Pay respect to the oracular lays of Hafiz of

Shiraz."

l^u

*^'>-^ jv^^

L^jhry "

u.^il!

(^>L*J

*SJL4>i^l***.!

Mr^ J'u ^!j^

iii^i^r

D

f^J^^i;

i, (^ vj

<J

34 HAFIZ.

Mirza jNIehdi Khan relates, that when Nadir
Shah had driven the Afghans out of Irak and Fars,
he visited the tomb of Hafiz with great reverence.
Azerbaijan was yet in the possession of the Turks,
and Shah Tahmasp wished him to march there and
expel them, whilst his Khorasani lords and soldiers
wanted him to return to their own country. In this
dilemma he consulted the oracle of Hafiz's Odes,
and on opening the book this stanza met his eye.

" By the charms of thy song O Hafiz ! thou
"hast conquered Irak and Fars— Come on, for
" now is the auspicious moment for Baghdad
" and Tabriz."

Nadir Shah implicitly followed the commands
of the oracle and retook Baghdad and Tabriz from
the Turks.

Shir Khan Ludi, in his memoirs, says, that in
consequence of some of the poetry of Hafiz being
considered as savouring of scepticism, the ministers
of religion at Shiraz, after his death, refused to say
prayers over his body. After much expostulation
on the part of his friends and relatives, it was at

HAFIZ. 35

length settled, that scattered couplets from his
Odes, written on separate slips of paper, should
be placed in a vessel, from which one was to be
taken out by an innocent, unlettered child, and the
matter in dispute to be influenced by the sense
of the couplet thus drawn out. They did so, and
the following verse came up.

" Fear not to approach the corpse of Hafiz,
" for although sunk deep in sin, he will rise to
" Heaven."

The Sheikhs and Sufi poets all agree in con-
sidering the Diwan (collection of odes) of Hafiz
as the acme of perfection. The origin of Lyric
poetry may certainly be ascribed to Sheikh Saadi,
but the alteration in the style of the Ghazl or ode,
introduced by Hafiz, is supposed to have carried
that species of composition to a higher state of
polish. His rules, therefore, have been followed
by succeeding poets, until Baba Feghani of Shiraz
invented a third sort, and Mirza Saib of Isfahan a
fourth, which is now generally imitated.

Respecting the nature of Hafiz's poetry. Sir
William Jones says, " It has been made a question

D 2

36 HAFIZ.

" whether the poems of Hafiz must be taken in a
" literal or a figurative sense ; but the question does
" not admit of a general and direct answer, for even
" the most enthusiastic of his commentators allow
" that some of them are to be taken literally, and
" his editors ought to have distinguished them, as
" our Spencer has distinguished his four odes on
" Love and Beauty, instead of mixing the profane
" with the divine by a childish arrangement accord-
" ing to the alphabetical order of the rhymes.
" Hafiz never pretended to more than human \irtues,
" and it is known that he had human propensities,
" for in his youth he was passionately in love with a
" girl, surnamed Shakhi Nabat, 'branch of Sugar-
" cane,' and the Prince of Shiraz was his rival.
" There is a place called Pir i sebz, or the Green
" old man, about four Persian miles from the city,
" and a popular opinion had long prevailed that a
" youth who should pass forty successive nights in
" Pir i sebz without sleep, would infallibly become
" an excellent poet. Young Hafiz had accordingly
" made a vow that he would serve that apprentice-
" ship, with the utmost exactness, and for thirty-
" nine days he rigorously discharged his duty,
" walking every morning before the house of his
" coy mistress, taking some refreshment and rest at
" noon, and passing the night awake at his poetical
" station ; but on the fortieth morning he was
" transported with joy on seeing the girl beckon to

HAFIZ. 37

" him through the lattice, and invite him to enter:
" she received him with rapture, declared her prefer-
" ence of a bright genius to the son of a king, and
" would have retained him all night, if he had not
" recollected his vow, and resolving to keep it invio-
" late, returned to his post. The people of Shiraz
" add, (and the fiction is grounded on a couplet of
" Hafiz,) that early next morning an old man in a
" green mantle, who was no less a personage than
" Khizr* himself, approached him at Pir i sebz,
" with a cup brimfull of nectar, which the Greeks
" would have called the water of Aganippa, and
" rewarded his perseverance with an inspiring
" draught of it. After his juvenile passions had
" subsided, we may suppose his mind took that
" religious bent which appears in most of his com-
" positions, for there can be no doubt that many
" distichs in different odes relate to the mystical
" theology of the Sufis.''

It is generally supposed that Ilafiz was a
married man, and that he enjoyed as much happi-
ness in his union with a virtuous and accomplished
woman as generally falls to the lot of man ; but she
died before him, and he deplores her loss in one of

* Khizr was a prophet, according- to oriental tradition, who
discovered and drank of the Fountain of Life, and consequently
secured immortality for himself.

1

38 HAFIZ.

his odes in a most poetical and affecting strain,
which begins,

"That beloved friend, by whose charms my
" house seemed the abode of an angel. She was
" an angel herself all over, pure and free from
" every imperfection."

There is some little difference respecting the
date of Hafiz's death. Four copies of the " Memoirs
of the Poets," by Doulat Shah of Samarkand, in my
collection of Persian MSS., make a.h. 794 the
year of his death. In a Tcirikh, (a verse or word
in which the numeral letters form a date,) com-
posed by an eminent poet on his decease, 791 is
mentioned, —

"Khajah Hafiz, the spiritual lamp of the
" learned and devout, was brightly illumined

The numerals are ^ 600 -\ 1—^ 20—^ 40—^
90—^ 30— and ^ 10—791.

HAFIZ. 39

" by divine splendour ; as he took up his abode
" in the Earth of Mosella; therefore seek the date
" of that event in the 'Earth of Mosella.'"

The numerals in the "Earth of Mosella" ^^^^^
SU make 791, a.d. 1388.

In another Tdrikh, written in the preface to his
Diwan, by his friend and editor Muhammed Giilan-
dam, 792 is made the date of his death.

"In the year 792, after the auspicious flight
" of Ahmed (the prophet) Shemsuddin Muham-
" med, the Phoenix of the age, departed for the
" highest Paradise."

Haji Lutf Ali, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
entitled Atesh Kedah, or the " Fire Temple," gives
791, and D'Herbelot, 797, as the dates of his death.
The latter also says that Seyed Kasim al Anwar
collected and edited the works of Hafiz: but in this,
as well as in the date above mentioned, I believe
that learned writer is mistaken, as in the finest
manuscripts I have seen, (and I am myself pos-

The numerals are ,__, 2 — ^^s 90 — i 700 — in all
792.

40 HAFIZ.

sessed of several,) Muharamed Gulandam appears
as the collector, editor, and preface-writer ; and on
his tombstone at Shiraz the date of a.h. 791, I
have myself seen.

Kasim al Anwar is mentioned, as having rap-
turously admired the poetry of Hafiz, and few poets
were better able to appreciate their excellence.

When Sultan Abul Kasim Baber, some time
after the poet's death, visited Shiraz as a conqueror,
his Prime Minister, Mulana Muhammed Moamai,
erected a handsome monument over Hafiz's ofrave.
Since that period it has been often repaired, and
the apartments about it rebuilt by different princes.
When I saw it in 1811, on my way as Ambassador
from King George III. to the Court of Persia, it
was in excellent order. The Vakil (as he modestly
called himself), Kerim Khan Zend, had directed a
slab of the finest alabaster, brought from Maraghah,
in Azerbaijan, to be placed over the tomb, with
two odes from his Diwan, beautifully sculptured
on it in bas-relief of the finest Nastaalik characters.
He also built a neat pavilion or hall, (in which a
superb copy of the poet's works is open for perusal,)
with apartments adjoining for the Mullahs and
Dervishes who attend the tomb; and he beautified
the little garden, in which the poet's remains are
interred, in such a manner as to render it the most
delightful retreat in the vicinity of Shiraz, from
which city it is about two miles distant to the n.e.

HAFIZ. 41

There are some other tombs in the garden, but
not of any importance, except what they may
derive from their propinquity to the immortal
Hafiz's ashes. In front of the apartments there is
a fine fountain of pure water, and the garden is
judiciously ornamented with beautiful specimens of
the funereal cypress, of great size and age.

The small stream of Rukni, so celebrated by the
bard, runs close by the garden, and the temple
Mosella lies about a quarter of a mile west of the
tomb.

This very rare and most valuable manuscript is
a small folio of 630 pages, of which the poems of
Hafiz occupy the centre of the leaves as far as page
466. The Diwan of Meghrebi begins on the mar-
gin of Hafiz's odes to page 248, and the poems of
Kasim al Anwar, commencing there, fill the margin
as far as the conclusion of Hafiz, and thence both
centre and margin to the end of the book.

The manuscript is delicately, although richly
illuminated and ornamented with gold and colours
throughout. It is illustrated with eleven highly
finished miniature paintings; but that which ren-
ders it in the highest degree valuable, is its having
been transcribed by the celebrated Mir Ali, styled
emphatically Al Katib, " The Scribe," from being
the finest penman in the Nastaalik character in the
world.

One of the former possessors of this literary

42

HAFIZ.

gem, Asofuddoiilab, sovereign of Oude, considered
it of such inestimable value, that he affixed an
imjDression of his seal on every leaf of it.

On comparing the number of odes contained
in this copy, with the edition printed in Calcutta,
1791, I find an excess in the former of eleven, —
the difference being chiefly in the poems ending in
D and M. ^^

43

No. 8.— NIZAMI.

THE FIVE POEMS OF SHEIKH NIZAMI OF GANJAH.

The author of these inimitable poems was born
at Ganjah. One of his biographers, Doulat Shah,
in his "Memoirs of the Poets," says that it is
impossible for either tongue or pen to describe his
sanctity, his excellence, or his science. He pos-
sessed above all other poets that peculiarity of
attractive conversation, so sought after by the vir-
tuous of all ranks. His name was Abu INIuhammed
bin Yusef bin Muid, and his title Sheikh Nizam
ud din.

Towards the close of his life, he chiefly passed
his time in retirement, seldom conversing with
mankind.

" As a sweet rose confined in the tight bud of

melancholy,
" Thus am I become a recluse inhabitant of

the temple."

Atabeg Kizl Arslan, wishing much to enjoy
the pleasure of Nizami's society, sent a person to
request his attendance. An answer was returned
that Nizami, being a recluse, had ceased to fre-

44 NIZAMI.

quent the courts of princes. The king, wishing to
ascertain whether this modest independence was
assumed or real, himself visited Nizami, who by
the miraculous powers granted to him by the
Almighty, discovered the monarch's intention, and
also that he looked upon him in rather a contemp-
tuous light. He, therefore, by the force of his sanc-
tity caused the vision of a royal throne to appear
before the eyes of the Atabeg, and all the pageantry
of royalty attached to it, with a train of courtiers
and servants decked out in brocade and jewels,
all waiting upon the Sheikh, who appeared seated
on the throne.

When King Arslan beheld this unlooked-for
splendour he was confounded, and in respectful
humility approached Nizami with the intention of
kissing his feet; but at that moment the Sheikh
removed the illusion from before the Atabeg's
eyes, and appeared to him, M'hat in truth he was,
an old and decrepid man, sitting on a piece of felt
near the mouth of a cave, with the holy book, pen
and ink, an oratory, and a staff placed before him.
The king kissed the Sheikh's hand with respect,
and ever after entertained for him the most sincere
veneration. Nizami also became the friend of the
Prince, and sometimes went to visit him. He
alludes to Arslan's feelings, when the poet placed
the royal vision before his eyes in the following
lines: —

NIZAMI. 45

" I said to myself, I will now bend to the
" earth to kiss his feet, for I see that Heaven
" itself moves at his commands."

Exclusive of the " Five Poems " in this volume,
Nizami composed a Diwan, or collection of odes,
idyls, elegies, and tetrastics, of nearly 20,000
couplets, in fine and sonorous versification.

It is reported by many of his biographers that
Nizami, before he wrote these five celebrated poems,
and whilst yet a youth, composed the romance of
'Weisah and Riimin," and dedicated it to Sultan
Mahmiid, the son of Masaoud, and grandson of
Melik Shah Siljuki; others again contend that it
was written by Nizami Aruzi of Samarkand; but
as the latter lived in the time of JNlelik Shah, (the
grandfather,) and the book is certainly dedicated to
Sultan Mahmiid, who reigned about the period of
the poet's greatest celebrity, the majority assigns it
to Nizami of Ganjah. A transcriber of Doulat
Shah, in a marginal note, says that it can never
be a matter of consequence to the author of the
"Khemseh" whether he is allowed to be the author
of "Weisah and Ramin" or not, as in comparison
with these five poems it is rather a puerile produc-
tion.

46 NIZAMI.

When the romance of "Khusriin and Shirin,"
written at the request of Atabeg Kizl Arslan, and
dedicated to that monarch, was finished, he pre-
sented Nizami with fourteen villages in fief, which
munificence was afterwards gratefully acknowledged
in his jDoems.

The Turk, Behram Shah, also, to whom he dedi-
cated his " ^lakhzen al Asrar," (Treasury of Secrets,)
sent him 5000 dinars of red gold, and a camel
laden with brocades and other precious stuffs.

Jami, in his Beharistiin, asserts that Nizami,
from his earliest youth, had rejected the pursuits of
this world, and devoted himself to the contempla-
tion of the divine essence, and his wondrous works,
refusing all attendance at the courts of the princes
and governors, his contemporaries ; the truth of
which may be gathered from many passages in
his works, such as the following: —

" Whilst yet a youth, I quitted not thy
" bosom, nor did I leave thy threshold to visit
" the door of mortal.

" But thou hast sent every one to my door ;

NIZAMI. 47

" (alluding to the voluntary visits of princes ;) I
" did not solicit the honour, but thou didst of
*'^ thyself grant it.

" Now that I have grown old in thy temple,
" O Lord, whatever is to befall me, I pray thee,
" let go not my hand."

The " Five Poems," known by the name of
the " Five Treasures," (Penj Genj, ) as well as the
" Khemseh," were all composed at the solicitation
of contemporary monarchs and princes, who were
anxious to immortalize their names by being men-
tioned in his works. Although most of these
poems are apparently romances, still they contain
the most beautiful moral lessons of unaffected piety
and true wisdom, whilst the Silfi will find in them
the surest guides to sublime truths. Jami adds
that his last composition, "The History of Alex-
ander," was finished when he was turned of sixty
years of age.

Haji Liitf Ali, in his "Memoirs of the Poets,"
entitled "Atesh Kedah," (the Fire Altar,) states,
that Nizami's family originally belonged to the
Persian Irak, in a village named Nakrash, in the
district of Kom, from whence they emigrated to
Ganjah in Azerbaijan, for the sake of its superior
climate and salubrious water. Nizami was himself,
however, born in Ganjah. In his "Sikan'
Nameh" he says, —

48 NIZAMI.

"Open, Nizami, the gates of thy treasury, how
" long doth Ganjah retain thee unemployed ? It is
" true, that like the pearl, I am little known in the
" sea of Ganjah, for I come from the mountains in
" the vicinity of Kom."

Mir Gholam Ali Azad, in his "Memoirs," entitled
"The Royal Treasury," says, that Nizami finished
his last work, the "Sikander Nameh," in a.h. 597,
A.D. 1200, which is generally supposed to be the
year in which he died. He was buried in Ganjah,
and his tomb is still pointed out there.

This beautiful manuscript is a folio of 756 pages,
■written in the finest Nastaalik character by the very
celebrated scribe Abdul Jabbar of Shiraz, A.H. 1021,
A.D. 1612. Each j^age is ruled with gold lines,
divided into four columns of twenty hemistichs, and
powdered all over with gold. The illuminated title-
pages are very good.

The first poem, "Makhzen al Asrar," or Treasury
of Secrets, dedicated to Behram Shah, consists of
55 pages.

The second romance, the " Loves of Khusril
and Shirm," dedicated to Atabeg Kizl Arslan ; 181
pages, and 8 miniature paintings.

3

NIZAMI. 49

The third, "Romance of Leili and Majniin,"
dedicated to Sultan Abul INIazafer; 120 pages, and
2 miniature paintings.

The fourth, "Heft Peiker, the Seven Images,"
dedicated to Atabeg Kizl Arslan ; 144 pages, and
9 miniature paintings.

The fifth, divided into two parts, the first part,
"Sherfnameh Iskanderi," describes the adventures
and exploits of Alexander the Great by land, dedi-
cated to Melik Nasratuddin; 164 pages, named
"Sikander Nameh Beri."

Part Second describes Alexander's voyages and
adventures by sea, dedicated to Melik Aazuddin
Muhammed, called " Sikander Nameh Beheri," and
also " Akbal Nameh Sikanderi ;" 92 pages.

The miniature paintings which illustrate this
valuable manuscript are beautifully executed in
point of delicacy of pencil and brilliant colouring,
and the whole is in excellent preservation.

These five poems were composed at different
intervals, and after Nizami's death formed into
" The Khemseh."

50

,\o. 4.— AMIR ALI SHIR.

"•THE RAMPART OH GREAT WALL OF ALEXANDER."

The author of this Turkish parody of Nizami's
" History of Alexander the Great," is Amir Alishir,
the son of a Tatar Prince, of deep learning and
science, who made it his chief pride to give his
children the highest polish of education, which he
superintended, with parental attention to their pro-
gress, although his time was anxiously occupied as
Prime Minister to Sultan Baber.

Amir Alishir was justly celebrated above all his
contemporaries, both as a statesman and a poet; in
generosity and liberality, he had not a rival. He
was Prime Minister to Sultan Husein Mirza, who
ascended the throne on the death of Sultan Baber,
A.H. 861, A.D. 1456, at Marv Shahjan, but who
chiefly resided at Herat, except when engaged in
wars. During the many years that he administered
the affairs of the empire, he disbursed the whole of
his immense revenues in patronizing the cultivation
of the arts and sciences, and learned men, in acts of
public utility, and in princely hospitality, munifi-
cence, and charity.

Although necessarily much occupied with the
public transactions of a mighty empire, Alishir still
found leisure for the acquirement of every accom-
plishment. He Avas an excellent poet in the Per-

AMIR ALI SHIR. 51

sian as well as the Turkish language, and his
compositions in both are voluminous. His Diwan,
or Collection of Odes in the Cheghetai, or pure
Turkish, under the poetical title of " Nuai," amount
to ten thousand couplets, and he has left a noble
monument of his learning and assiduity in his
parody of Nizami's five poems (of which the above
is the fifth) in the same language, containing nearly
thirty thousand couplets, which are universally ad-
mired.

In the Persian language he wrote a Diwan, or
Collection of Odes, under the Takhalus or poetical
title of " Fanai " (Perishable), from which Haji Lutf
Ali, in his " Memoirs of the Poets," entitled " Atesh
Kedah " (Fire Altar), gives us the two following
beautiful specimens of his powers of song : —

" O night of grief! how far wilt thou drag
" me from the presence of my love? I nourish
" thee, ungrateful, with my tears and complaints,
" which the absence that thou causest draws from
" me."

" O you who say * Don't curse Yezid, for pos-
" * sibly the Almighty may have had mercy on
" 'him.' I say, if the Lord pardoneth all the
" evil which Yezid did to the Prophet's descend-

E 2

52 AMIR ALI SHIR.

" ants, He will also pardon you, who may have
" cursed him."

Shirkhan Ludi, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
after praising Amir Alishir for generosity, charity,
talent, and virtue, brings, as he conceives, a strong
proof of his worth, in noticing the various first-rate
works that had been dedicated to him, such as the
famous "Commentary on the Koran," by Husein
Vaiz al Kashefi, entitled Tafsir Huseini, Nafhat al
Uns; "The Odours of Friendship," being a biographi-
cal memoir of learned and pious Sufis and Saints, by
the celebrated Aburrahman Jami; "The Memoirs of
the Poets," by Doulat Shah of Samarkand, and
various others.

Jami, in his Beharistan, although he considers
Amir Alishir entitled to a place in the biography
of princes and great statesmen, from his high sta-
tion, exalted birth, and distinguished talents, yet
places him in his category of eminent poets, from a
conviction that the Prince himself felt most proud
of that honoured title.

In Turkish poetry, Alishir has no rival; in Per-
sian, his most successful composition is an answer to

AMIR ALI SHIR. 58

the celebrated poem of Amir Khusrii of Delhi, on
Stifi Mysteries, entitled " Beher al Abrar," or the
Sea of the Pious, which he named " Tohfat al
Asrar," or a Present of Secrets.

Alishir's Diwan of Turkish Odes is divided into
four sections: — 1st, " Gharaib ul Ghar," or Wonders
of Infancy; 2nd, " Nuader al Shabab," or Miracles
of Youth; 3, "Bedia al Wasat," or Charms of IVIid-
dle Age; and 4th, " Fuaid al Akbar," or Advantages
of Old Age.

The Turkish parodies of Nizami's five poems are

1 . " The String of Pearls," for Nizami's " Trea-
sury of Secrets."

2. "The Loves of Ferhad and Shirin," for
" Khusru and Shirin."

8. The " Loves of Leili and Majnun " are both
alike.

4. "The Seven Planets/' for " The Seven Faces
or Images."

5. "The Rampart of Alexander," for the "His-
tory of Alexander."

This rare and superb manuscript of 202 pages,
being the fifth of the above parodies, "The Rampart
of Alexander," was transcribed at Bokhara, by the
Sultan's celebrated scribe Muhammed Ali, a.h.
960, A.D. 1552. It is illustrated by five curious
miniature paintings, the title-page illuminated, the
writing placed in four columns within lines of red,
green, blue, and gold, and the margin of every leaf
covered with arabesques of gold.

54

No. 5.
THE SHAH NAMEH, OR "BOOK OF KINGS/'

COMPOSED BY ABUL KASIM FERDUSI OF TUS.

This inimitable epic poem, which has conferred im-
mortal fame on its ingenious and persevering author,
is, according to a competent judge, the late Sir
William Jones, "a glorious monument of Eastern
genius and learning, which, if ever it should be
generally understood in its original language, will
contest the merit of invention with Homer him-
self."

Literary fame, present and posthumous, and the
patronage of learning and genius, have always been
considered the ambition, and the attributes of
Eastern potentates.

Mamun, the learned son of the Khalif Harun al
Rashid, conversing with his literary associates upon
the nature of memorials by which the names of
great monarchs might be ranked, by a grateful
posterity, in the list of benefactors to mankind,
Abdullah, the son of Makafa said, in reply, that
Anushirvan, the wise and powerful King of Persia,
had rendered his name immortal, by having had the
celebrated Hindui fables of Bidpai or Pilpai
Brahman, entitled Kalilah and Damnah, and also
the "Loves of Ram and Ramin," translated into
the Pehlevi language by his Prime Minister Buzur-
chimeher, for the benefit and instruction of his
subjects.

FERDUSI. 55

Mamiin sent for the translation, and having-
perused it with infinite pleasure, ordered his son to
dress it in the Arabic lano^uao^e.

This trait of anxious desire for posthumous
fame having been reported to Amir Sayeed Nasur
bin Ahmed, the best and greatest of the Sassanian
Princes of Khorasan, raised up in his mind an
equally laudable ambition. He ordered his minister,
Khajah Belghemi, to translate the said book of
fables from the Arabic into modern Persian, and
made the great poet Rudeki, whom he fostered at
his court, clothe it in poetical costume, to the
delight of a grateful nation, and to the extension of
his own lasting fame.

During the reigns of the Sassanian and Ashka-
nian Princes over Persia, considerable researches
were made to collect the most authentic materials
for a general History of the Kings of Persia, so that
everything which could elucidate the subject having
been gathered together in the reign of Yezdejird,
the son of Sheheryar, that monarch called on the
learned INIobids, or Priests of the Fire -Worship, to
form from a selected portion of those collections a
true account of the annals of Persia, from the reign
of Keiumurth down to the end of that of Khusru
Parviz. This history was taken with other spoil,
after the victory of Saad Vekas over Yezdejird,
A.H. 15, A.D. 636, and brought before Omar, who
had some of it translated ; but as the proportion of

56 FERDUSI.

it which he considered moral and good, was j^reatly
exceeded by fable and fiction, he quoted a saying of
the prophet, and condemned the whole.

The book, therefore, was sent, with other parts
of the plunder of the Persian monarch, to the King
of Abyssinia, who considered it a most valuable
present, had copies made of it, and distributed them
amongst his friends in different countries of the East.
Thus was this curious work most fortunately pre-
served, and in the course of years reached Khorasan.

The Vizir, Abu Mansur bin Abdurrizak bin
Farah, by order of his Sovereign, Yakub bin Leith,
about A.H. 260, a.d. 837, called together in council
the most learned Fire-worshippers, and with their
assistance selected the best materials for continuing
the History of the Persian Kings, from the reign
of Khusrii Parviz to the final defeat of King Yezde-
jird, and adding it to the Ancient History, by
Danishber Dehkan, which, in the mean time, had
been translated into modern Persian by Saoud Ibn
Mansur, the secretary of Abdurrizak.

Yakub bin Leith could not have selected any
person better qualified for the undertaking than the
learned minister who executed his orders ; for Abu
Mansur, himself a descendant of the Sipehbeds*, or

* Sipehbed, according to the Burhan i Katae, is an exclusive
term for the Kings of Tabaristan, as Khan for the Tatars, and
Keiser for the Greeks.

FERDUSI. 57

ancient Kings of Tabaristan, united to his general
love of literature, the natural ambition of recording
the renowned achievements of a royal and gallant
ancestry. He accordingly invited learned men to the
court from all quarters, and gave liberal pecuniary
rewards to those who would either sell or lend
original works likely to elucidate the ancient history
of Persia.

He then associated with his father's secretary,
Saoud Ibn Mansur, four learned Fire-worshijjpers,
Taj, the son of Khorasan, from Herat, Yezdandad,
son of the Shapur, from Sistan, Mahavi, the son of
Khurshid, from Nishapur, and Shadan, the son of
Berzin, from Tus, who met in his palace, collected
and collated the various original legends, tracts,
histories, and documents connected with the inte-
resting subject, and formed from them, a.h. 360, a
History of the Persian Kings, down to the reign of
Yezdejird, which became a source of delight as well
as of instruction to readers of every description.

In the reign of Amir Nasir bin Ahmed, by
Avhose munificence and patronage the literary world
had been indulged with a poetical version of
"Kalilahwa Damna," by Rudeki, Abul fazl Belghami
ordered the poet Dakiki to put the History of the
Persian Kings into a poetical dress, which he
accordingly commenced, but being, unfortunately,
fond of the society of the young and beautiful, and
having taken unwarrantable liberties with a Tatar

I

6& FERDUSI.

slave, whom he had recently purchased, he received
the wound of a dagger in the heart, which put an
end to his life, and his version of the "Book of
Kings."

About the same time, Sabaktagin, a favourite
slave of the Samanian Prince Nasir bin Ahmed,
and general of his army, rose to great eminence by
his victories and conquests in Hindustan, and in
consequence became so popular, that on the death
of the king, he returned to Khorasan, and having,
without difficulty or opposition, assumed the purple,
added Ghazni, Kharizm, and Hindustan, to his
master's former dominions; but whilst he lived, so
far remembered his king and benefactor with grati-
tude, as to treat his sons with great distinction and
kindness.

Sabaktagin was succeeded by his son Mahmiid,
who surpassed even his father in conquest, splendour,
and power. Shah Mahmiid was, moreover, pos-
sessed of literary and scientific accomplishments,
and affected the society of poets and learned men so
much, that even his ministers and men of business
were all skilled in poetry.

Amongst these the poet Ansari bore a distin-
guished rank, both on account of his eminent talents,
and the strong recommendation of the king's younger
brother. Amir Nasir.

In one of the assemblies of learned men at the
palace of Ghazni, Mahmiid expressed his surprise

FERDUSI 59

that the Seyar al Maluk, which is supposed to have
been written from oral tradition by Ibu al Mokaffa,
and other histories of the Persian kings, had never
been properly versified in a nation so famed as
Persia for poetic lore. When Ansari, in reply,
informed him of the commenced attempt of Dakiki,
and the tragical interruption of his work, Shah
Mahmud, anxious to have the proud fame of accom-
plishing so interesting an undertaking, urgently
requested Ansari to render both the king's and the
poet's names for ever illustrious, by completing the
version begun by Dakiki. Ansari, although he
modestly declared himself unequal to the task, con-
sented to make a trial.

The next object which the king had at heart
was to procure an authentic copy of the "History,"
that Ansari might commence his difficult under-
taking with well-founded materials. Accident
singularly favoured His Majesty's wishes in the
following manner.

Family disputes, and the vile oppression of local
authority, forced a young fire-worshipper named
Khur Firtiz, a descendant of the Persian king,
Nushirvan, to quit his birthplace in Fars, in the
hope either of obtaining redress by complaining to
the supreme authority, or of distracting his grief by
travel. He reached Ghazni, but remained long in
trouble, almost despair, ere he got access to the
king. His open, ingenuous countenance, which fully

60

FERDUSI.

pourtrayed the sorrows of his heart, at length excited
the humane symiDathy of a young Imam, or priest,
who was in waiting on the king, and through his means
he was allowed to pay his respects to the monarch.
On his first presentation, he made no application
about his own concerns, being surprised to find that
the royal circle was composed entirely of poets, and
not a man amongst them, he conceived, sufficiently
capable of business to be the medium of representing
his case properly to the king, for Ansari, whom he
knew in fact to be an eminent poet, stood the highest
in royal favour.

On his return from court, he expressed his sur-
prise and dismay to the friendly Imam, who imme-
diately made him acquainted with the monarch's
general character, his intense love of literature and
learned men, his decided preference for Ansari 's
poetry to that of all others, and the consequent
degree of special favour with which he was
honoured. The Imam further added, that par-
ticular research was now set on foot to obtain the
most correct copy of the " Book of Persian Kings,"
that the favourite Ansari might immortalize His
Majesty and himself by dressing it in Persian
verse.

Khur Firuz, on considering the last piece of
information, found that he had more to rejoice at
than to regret in the existing state of the court, as
he possessed in Fars a very ancient and authentic

FERDUSI. 61

copy of the history so much sought after by JMah-
mud.

This circumstance having been ingeniously in-
sinuated in His Majesty's presence by the Imam,
Khur Firuz was ordered to write to his family in
Fars for the book, which, on receipt of his letter,
was accordingly delivered to the King's messenger,
and raised the owner of it so high in favour that
all his grievances were immediately redressed.

About the same time the wishes of the Shah
having been circulated through his extensive do-
minions, various portions of the history were sent
to Ghazni ; one, of established authenticity, and
very rare, was presented by the King of Kerman,
which had been collected and compiled by the
Guebir Azerberzin, a descendant of King Shapur
zu al aktaf. Another arrived from Marv, selected
and written by Servazad, of the race of Zal, Sam,
and Neriman, detailing the wonderful adventures
of Rustam, and many others. From these the
King selected seven portions, and, whatever his
conviction of Ansari's superiority might be, he con-
sidered it fair to open the choice of a versifier to a
competition of seven of the most eminent poets
of the age, then at his court, to each of whom he
gave a portion. These seven were Ansari, Fer-
rukhi, Zeini, Asjedi, Manjeng the harper, Kharemi,
and Termedi.

But it was fated that an eighth competitor

G2 FERDUSI.

should arrive at Ghazni by accident, whose talents
were to eclipse the fame not only of the seven
eminent poets above mentioned, but of all contem-
porary poets, being a complete master of har-
monious numbers, and singularly well versed in
the ancient history of Persia. This person was
Abul Kasim Mansur Ferdusi, the son of Is'hak
Ibn Sherf Shah (by some named Fakharaldin
Ahmed), a gardener in the service of the Gover-
nor of Tus.

About the time of Ferdusi's birth, a.h. 328,
A.D. 937, his father in a dream saw his infant ascend
the roof of a house and turning towards Mecca
utter a loud shout, which was answered by voices
from all sides of him. On the following morning
he waited on Nejlbuddin, a famous interpreter of
dreams, who told him that "his son would be a
" great scholar, whose fame would reach all four
" quarters of the earth." This encouraged Is'hak
to strain every nerve that he might bestow on his
child a good education, which commenced at his
sixth year, and proceeded with astonishing rapidity,
until he acquired the utmost perfection in science
and literature, and, above all, great purity of lan-
guage and poetical style.

Various reasons are assigned by his different
biographers for Ferdusi's visit to Ghazni; but the
tradition most generally credited in Persia ascribes
it to the oppression which his family suffered from

FERDUSI. 63

tho provincial Governor of Tus, whose tyranny and
injustice rendered their lives miserable.

Conceiving, from the universal good reports of
Shah Mahmiid's love of justice, that a complaint
made to him in person might obtain redress for
their grievous suifering, Ferdusi undertook the
arduous task of proceeding to the seat of govern-
ment, leaving his younger brother Masaoud to take
care of his father. Being possessed of copies of
the Seyar al Maluk, and the Bastan Nameh, he
had already commenced a poetical version of the
"Book of Kings," before he left his native city,
and had finished a portion of it, namely, the episode
of Zohak and Feridun, and also the history of
Siavv^esh.

Ferdusi arrived at Ghazni about the period that
the seven poets already named had brought to
court their respective portions of the Persian his-
tory, in the best poetical dress with which they
could adorn them.

Ansari's portion was the beautiful and affecting
adventure of Sohrab with his father Rustam; and
having been submitted, with those of the others, to
various tests of criticism, was declared unanimously
to have borne olF the palm of superiority.

The other account of Ferdusi's journey to
Ghazni, as related in the preface to my second copy
of the Shah Nameh, is as follows: — Previous to his
departure from Tus, Ferdusi had heard of Dakiki's

64 FERDUSI.

commencement of a poetical version of the " Book
of Persian Kings," and the sad interruption to the
prosecution of his intended work. He had also
understood that Shah Mahmud was anxious to pro-
ceed with Daklki's commencement, and felt am-
bitious to undertake the entire epic poem, for most
powerful reasons, anticipating- from the execution
of it, exclusive of the fame and celebrity attached
to its completion, such pecuniary reward as would
enable him to erect a serai and bridge, or embank-
ment, most necessary to his native town, which had
long been the dearest object of his ambition.
Unfortunately, he did not possess a copy of the
ancient history of Persia, which was to be the
foundation of his great work, and in despair had
nearly given up the cherished plan, when, convers-
ing with an intimate acquaintance, ISIuhammed
Lashkari, on his disappointment, he found to his
great joy and surprise, that his friend had a com-
plete copy at his service, and strongly urged him to
the task. Still, modest and needing encourage-
ment, he applied to a certain Muhammed Moashuk,
of Tus, a pious and holy man, whose prophetic
instructions had, in many cases, been attended with
success. From him Ferdusi received most vivid
prospects of future fame and advantage, and entrea-
ties even were added for him to proceed. He then
commenced with the war between Feridun and
Zohak, the versification of which delighted all his

FERDUSI. 65

readers, and particularly Abii Maiisiir, tlie Governor
of Tiis, who not only handsomely rewarded him,
but promised to present him to Shah Mahmud,
when the entire poem was finished. But these
kind and benevolent intentions were frustrated by
the death of his excellent and powerful friend,
whose loss he laments in grateful effusions shortly
after his mention of Muhammed Lashkari in the
pages of his great work.

The author of " Mujalis ul Mumenin," Nurul-
lah, says that Ferdusi's greatest enjoyment, when
living in the garden at Tus, under the care of his
father, was to sit beside the stream that ran brightly
through its borders, whilst composing the Shah
Nameh, and that nothing caused him such melan-
choly and sadness, as the frequent interruption he
experienced from its channel being flooded. It had
however one good effect, in urging him on with his
great work, which, he trusted in Heaven, might, at
some future period, by its success, enable him to
confine the stream to its proper course by erecting
a bank of masonry.

After the death of Abu Mansur, Arshin Khan
was sent by the Sultan to succeed him, and as
Ferdusi's name had been made known in Ghazni,
the new Governor of Tus was ordered to send him
to the presence-

The bard reluctantly departed from his birth-
place for Ghazni, but having reached Herat in his

(JG FERDUSI.

way, his further progress was delayed by the in-
trigues of Badiauddin, a minister, and the two poets
xAnsari and Rudeki, to prevent his presentation to
Sult<4n IMahmnd, lest his superior talents and ac-
complishments might weaken the influence they had
attained in the monarch's good graces. Ansari,
therefore, in the guise of friendship, sent a messen-
ger to Herat, to warn Ferdiisi against visiting
Ghazni under the present posture of affairs, as he
and Riideki feared it might be an utter loss of his
•valuable time, and might induce reflections on his
fame, if he was, as they expected, coldly received at
court, the Sultan having totally forgotten his former
wish of having him near him. Ferdiisi hesitated
about returning at once to Tils ; but also harbouring
some suspicions against the truth of the poet's inti-
mation, he waited some days at the Serai of Herat,
brooding over the probable selfish motives of the
message, when a letter from Badiauddin reached
him, confirming his suspicions, the minister having
quarrelled with the poets, and betrayed the confe-
deracy. This decided Ferdiisi 's movements, and he
soon arrived at Ghazni.

It was on the eveninsf of Ferdusi's arrival in the
suburbs of Ghazni, when, wearied with his journey,
he entered a garden for the enjoyment of rest and
repose, that Ansari, elated with his recent triumph,
had determined upon celebrating the event, by in-
dulging in mirth and wine, and enjoying the society

FERDUSI. 67

of his two clearest friends and brother poets, Asjedi
and Ferrukhi, in the identical garden that Ferdiisi
had chosen for his repose. Although Ferdusi in his
dusty and way-worn garments, was not in a state most
. fitting for presenting himself before persons graced
with all the trappings of rank and splendour, he still
thought that he ought not to let such an opportunity
slip of preferring his complaint to the King, through
them, particularly as he conceived them to be some
of the highest nobles of Mahmud's court.

Asjedi and Ferrukhi, seeing him approach, and
concluding from his dress that he was a rustic
coming to importune them, proposed to get rid of
his company by scoffs and insults ; but Ansari ob-
jected to it, lest he might turn out something better
than his appearance indicated. He, however, offered
a method of civilly dismissing him, which was as-
sented to by the others.

Ferdusi, by the time that their plan was ar-
ranged, came up and saluted them courteously. In
returning the salutation, Ansari said, " Friend, %ve
" are three poets, who have returned from the noise
** and bustle of the city, to enjoy the evening here
" in private, and we only admit poets to share our
" conviviality." Ferdiisi, nothing abashed, said,
" Your slave also is a poet." " Well," replied An-
sari, " our conditions, for admission to our repast,
" are, that we three shall compose a line each, of a
" particular measure and rhyme ; if you finish the

F 2

G8 FERDUSI.

" quatrain you shall be welcome to participate in
" our evening's cheer ; but if you fail either in
" rhyme or measure, we must insist upon your
" immediate departure."

Ferdusi accepted the conditions, and the cour-
tiers already anticipated with joy the impossibility
of his fulfilling them, and, as a consequence, his fur-
ther intruding on their privacy, for they had chosen
a rhyme in which only three words in the language
ended, viz., Rushen, Giilshen, and Jushen. They
thus extemporized : —

Ansari. — " The moon is not more bright than
« thy cheek."

Asjedi. — " No rose in the garden can vie with
" thy lovely face."

Ferrukhi. — The arrows of thy eyelash pierce the
" strongest cuirass."

When, to their great surprise, Ferdusi, without
hesitation, recollecting the proper name of a warrior
in the "Book of Kings," added the following line
ending with Pushen : —

Ferdusi. — " Like the spear of Gio, in his fight
" with Pushen."

FERDUSI. 69

Ansari highly complimented Ferdusi on his
readiness, made him sit down by him, and in the
course of the eveninfi: discovered so great a share of
genius, fire, and poetical talent in his conver>ation,
as to induce a most ungenerous determination in
his mind of preventing his introduction at court,
lest his accomplishments and intimate knowledge
of ancient Persian history might constitute him a
dangerous rival in fame as a poet, as well as rais-
ing him to a higher degree in the monarch's
favour.

However, Ferdusi fortunately became acquainted
with one of Mahmud's ministers, named Mohek,
who was so fascinated by his talents and delightful
converse, as to steal away often from the King's
presence, that he might pass the evening with the
illustrious bard, his guest. In one of these noc-
turnal recreations of kindred souls, for ]\Iohek was
ingenious and learned in an eminent degree, Fer-
dusi heard the circumstances of the seven poets, the
various versions of their several portions, and that
the triumphant portion was the beautiful and inte-
resting adventure of Sohnib, by Ansari. In this
latter episode were two distichs which were con-
sidered inimitable, and greatly admired by the King ;
they occur in that part of the combat between Rus-
tam and his (then unrecognized) son, Sohrab, where
the former having thrown his heroic antagonist,
hangs over him with uplifted dagger, considering

70 FERDUSI.

whether he shall put him to death or spare his life.
Sohrab, panting, says —

" Should thy soul be thirsting for my blood,
" and thy bright dagger be stained in it, rest
" assured that the world will so thirst after thine,
" that even a single hair will have the effect of a
" sharp sword on thy body."

The following day, Ferdusi, without imparting
his intention to Mohek, composed the episode of
" Rustam and Isfendiar," in fine sonorous versifica-
tion, and in the evening read it to his friend, who,
still ionorant of the author's name, declared it to be
the most perfect specimen of heroic verse and true
poetic genius that he had ever heard, and requested
the loan of it as a great favour, that he might show
it to the King. Ferdusi, of course, consented, and
the perusal of it at court, the following morning,
not only astonished and captivated the monarch,
but caused a general sensation of delight in all the
courtiers and poets then present.

Mahmud impatiently enquired about the person
who possessed a work of such incomparable merit,
to which Mohek replied, that it belonged to a
poor subject of His Majesty, who had journeyed

FERDUSI. 71

from Tiis, to solicit redress of cruel oppression
exercised on him by the governor of that city.

Ferddsi was immediately summoned to the
royal presence, and ordered to bring the remainder
of the book with him. On being presented, he
uttered some extempore verses in praise of Shah
Mahmiid, which were very graciously accepted by the
monarch, and applauded unanimously by the learned
circle ; particularly one couplet which delighted the
monarch very much : —

" The child who has just washed his mother's
" milk from his lips, will lisp the praises of IMah-
" mud, the first sound from his cradle."

But when they learned that the beautiful episode
which they had perused with delight was not the
supposed extract from an original work, but actually
the ready composition of the panegyrist before
them, the seven poets flocked round Ferdusi and
insisted on kissing his hand, as a tribute to his
acknowledged superiority in their delightful art.

The King asked many questions of the bard, in
order to ascertain if his knowledge of Persian
history corresponded with what he was warranted
in expecting after the specimen of his composition
which he had just perused, and was answered in

72 FERDUSI.

the most satisfactory manner. Amongst other sub-
jects, he enquired a good deal about the origin of
the city of Tus, and how it obtained its name;
Ferdiisi replied, that in the reign of Kai Khiisru,
that monarch sent one of his generals, named Tus,
to revenge on Afrasiab the death of his father
Siavesh, and particularly cautioned him against
passing through the districts of Jiiran and Kilat
(in his way to Tiiran), which were governed by his
brother Ferud, lest anything unpleasant might occur
likely to produce a war between them, the King's
brother being a man of wild, ferocious habits, and
at times insane. Tus, however, did not follow the
King's instructions, and the consequence of his
passing through those prohibited provinces was, as
the King had apprehended, a fierce war between
the brothers, in which Ferud lost his life in battle.
Thus Tus, instead of revenging the death of Kai
Khusru's father, caused the loss of his only brother.
Fearful of approaching his offended sovereign, on
his return from Tiiran, he built a city in the place
where he halted, and to which he gfave his own
name.

This little narrative further coniirnied the high
opinion which Shah Mahmud entertained of Fer-
diisi's acquirements in ancient history, as well as
his poetic lore, and he forthwith determined upon
giving him the whole " Book of Kings" to be
versified, at the same time ordering his prime

FERDUSI. 73

minister to pay liim a thousand drachms of gold for
every thousand couplets he produced, until the work
was com])leted

Ferdusi, as he proceeded with his work, brought
various episodes for the Sultan's perusal, when he
observed that he had often heard the same subjects
and anecdotes before from Persian historians, but
never in the beautiful language of Ferdusi, who
embellished everything that fell from his j)en,
whether in descrij)tions of battles, duels, acts of
heroism and valour, or in those of socialitv and
feasting, or scenes of sorrow and lamentation.

His superiority over all contemporary poets was
frankly acknowledged by them, in several verses
addressed to him as the great master of song, like
the following two distichs : —

" Praise to the soul of Ferdusi, the essence of
" all that is illustrious. He was not a teacher,
" and we his pupils. He was our lord and
" master, and we his slaves ! "

These lines are by the celebrated poet Ansari. Khakani also
was eloquent in his praise.

74 FERDUSI.

Ansari, ashamed of his former conduct to the
poet, and anxious to shew his contrition, publicly
destroyed the portion of the History which he had
com])osed for the King, declaring that no person in
existence was capable of fulfilling the monarch's
wishes, except the inimitable Ferdusi.

According to the " Mujalis ul Mumenin," Mali-
mud ordered a house to be built for Ferdusi, close
to his own apartments, that he might never be
interrupted in his composition of the Shah Nameh,
and employed the best painters of the age, to adorn
the rooms with portraits of kings and heroes dressed
in the trappings of war, weapons of offence and
defence of all descriptions, lions and tigers, elephants
and horses, battles and sieges, likenesses of the
Kings of Iran and Tiiran ; in short, everything that
could give such impressions to his mind as were
analogous to the subject, whenever he raised his
eyes from the great task imposed upon him.

The only personage at the court with whom
the poet was not upon friendly terms was Khajah
Hasan Meimandi, the prime minister, a proud and
vindictive person, who expected, and in general
received, almost as many adulatory addresses from
the court poets as did the King himself. Ferdusi
alone refused what he considered a disgusting
homage ; for, being himself a Shiah, and the Vizir
a Schismatic, he could not submit to flatter or fawn
upon him. The poet, reckle«>s of the consequences.

FERDUSI. 75

and confiding in the favour and the promises of the
King, who loaded him with kindness, and gave him
a house close to the palace, paid no attention to the ^
minister; nay, so far did he show his dislike of him,
that after receiving the first thousand drachms of
gold, according to the Shah's commands, for a thou-
sand couplets of the Shah Nanieh, he omitted going
to Hasan Meimandi for the successive thousands
as the poem proceeded, partly from hating to hold
intercourse with the minister, but ostensibly that he
might receive the whole amount at once, and thereby
be enabled to build a bridge in his native city, Tus,
long the project nearest to his heart.

All these little acts and omissions united to
make the poet detestable to the Vizir, and gave
opportunities to the envious flatterers of the court
to widen the breach; so that, at the end of thirty
years' hard labour, when the sixty thousand couplets
were completed, the minister seized, by the power
then in his hands, the occasion to revenge himself
on Ferdiisi, by misrepresenting the state of his
treasury to the King, appealing against the absur-
dity of paying such an enormous sum for any poem,
however excellent, and ultimately prevailing upon
the monarch to disgrace himself in the opinion of
the world by sending sixty thousand drachms of
silver instead of gold, as he had promised the poet
at the commencement of his task.

Ayaz had warned Ferdusi, but in vain, against

76 FERDUSI.

laying such stress upon the pride of birth in the
Shah Naraeh, as he was fond of doing, such as
Kai Khiisni reciting his descent from Siawesh of the
Kaianiun race, his being the grandson of Kai Kaous,
and on his mother's side a descendant of Afrasiab,
Feridun, and Piisheng ; also as Isfendiar, in his
contest with Riistam, says, " I am of the blood of
" Gashtasp, the son of Loharasp, the son of Arwand
" Shah, holder of the crown and sceptre, who was
" descended from Pushin, of the race of Kaikobad,
" the just monarch, who traced his line to Feridun."
Ayaz was fearful that this constant praise and boast
of ancestry, which pervades the poem, might injure
his friend with Sultan Mahmud, who, being the son
of a slave, must feel it rather insulting to himself.
The warning was wise, although unnoticed by the
poet, for about the period of finishing the work,
Malimud shewed more apathy than usual in respect
to it and its author; seemed tired at the length of
time that its composition required; and his declining
taste and increasing age had already prepared his
mind to listen to the artful suggestions of Ferdusi's
bitter enemy Meimandi.

According to Abdurrahman Jami, in his " Beha-
ristdn," Ferdusi was coming out of the bath when
the bags of silver arrived from the treasury ; on
being made acquainted with their contents, the
bard, in a fit of noble indignation, distributed twenty
thousand drachms to the messenger who brought

FERDUSI. 77

them, twenty thousand to the proprietor of the bath,
and twenty thousand to seller of a beverage called
Fikaa (something like small beer), who happened to
be present.

For thus insulting the monarch, Ferdusi, at the
suggestion of his inveterate foe, JNIeimandi, was
condemned to be trampled to death under the feet
of elephants; but his apartments being close to the
royal residence, he took advantage of that circum-
stance to throw himself at the tyrant's feet and sue
for pardon, which was granted on condition of his
immediate departure from Ghazni. The poet, find-
ing that the Viz'.r had represented him as a Rafizi,
(the worst kind of heretic), assured the King that
the imputation was false, admitted that he was a
Shiah, but hoped that as the monarch tolerated
thousands of Fire-worshippers, Jews, and Christians
in his dominions, his particular religion would not
make him a criminal. Hasan Meimandi had twisted
into a heavy impeachment some lines in the Touhid,
or the poet's praise of the unity of God.

Sick at heart, oppressed with grief, rage, and
disappointment, he sought the apartment of the
King's favourite slave, the celebrated Ayaz, who
had always been his sincerest friend ; to him he
related his misfortunes, with the certainty of having
at least his fullest sympathy. Here, in bitterness of
spirit, he wrote a most animated invective against
the Shah, and having sealed it up, requested Ayaz

78 FERDUSI.

to deliver it to him after his departure from Gliazni,
and to choose a moment for doing so when any
sinister aiFair of state, or war, rendered Mahmud
more low-spirited than usual. This request Ayaz
faithfully promised to perform, as soon as the poet
should be beyond all reach of danger from the
King's wrath.

Having learned from some of his friends at
court that his arch enemy, Hasan iMeimandi, had
magnified his insult to the King, by the manner in
which he disposed of the royal gift, as above related,
and that in consequence of that, and false insinua-
tions about Ferdusi's heretical opinions on religious
subjects, Mahmud had determined upon inflicting
some heavy punishment on him, the unfortunate
bard escaped from Ghazni by night, alone and on
foot, for although he had many good and noble
friends, who would willingly have shared their
fortunes with him, yet not one of them dared to
assist him at that period of his deep distress, lest
they too might become victims of the King's dis-
pleasure.

Ayaz, alone, the King's favourite slave, had the
generous courage to risk everything in aid of his
illustrious friend. He lost not a moment in dis-
patching a trusty servant, who soon overtook
Ferdusi, and having given him a horse, a sum of
money, and other little comforts for his journey,
begged him earnestly in the name of Ayaz, to hasten

FERDUSI. 79

out of the territories of Malimud, as he valued his
life.

In the mean time reports of the Vizir's animo-
sity, and the Sultans injustice to Ferdusi, were
spreading through all parts of Khorasan, and excited
universal disapprobation and detestation of both
King and minister. The accounts of the poet's
misfortunes, and his near approach to his seat of
government, at the same time reached Nasiruddin
Muhteshim, the Wali, or Prince of Kohistan. He
was the dear friend of Shah Mahmud, and bound
to him in ties of gratitude for numberless favours ;
still this generous Prince, reckless of the conse-
quences, and more anxious to shew his respect for
illustrious talent, abandoned by the great and
powerful, than to consult his own interests, sent a
deputation of distinguished, noble, and learned men,
to meet Ferdusi and invite him to his presence,
where he experienced the most flattering and hon-
ourable reception, and was loaded with presents and
favours. Muhteshim, having learned that the justly
oiFended bard intended to publish a satirical work
for the purpose of holding up, to the detestation of
the world, the meanness and injustice of Mahmud,
as soon as he had reached an asylum in Dilem,
shewed his good taste and his affection for the sove-
reign, by endeavouring to dissuade Ferdusi from
an act that he considered unbecoming the greatest
literary genius of the age. He so far succeeded as

80 FERDUSI.

to receive the poet's promise to susj)eii(] his ireful
intention at the moment; and shortly after, as a
proof of his sincere compliance with the generous
Prince's wishes, Ferdusi sent him a hundred coup-
lets which he had composed when his indignation
was in its zenith, accompanied by some lines in
praise of Muhteshim, at the end of which he
declares that " although he dreads not the anger of
" Mahmud, and had intended to expose his tyranny,
" avarice, and injustice to the world, still, out of
" grateful friendship for the generous and good-
" hearted Muhteshim, he gave him up the cutting
" rebuke, which he had commenced with a pen
" dipped in gall, that he might destroy it." The
two last distichs of his address to Muhteshim are: —

" On thy account, most amiable Prince, do
" I now consent to transfer my just revenge from
" this vain world to a higher court.

" The Almighty will graciously listen to my
" heavy complaints, the day of judgment will
" award retributive justice for my wrongs and
" sufferings."

FERDUSI 81

Muliteshim presented Ferdiisi with 40,000
drachms, and forwarded him on his journey, fearful
lest the Sultan's rage or the Vizir's malice might
overtake and ruin him.

From Kohistan the poet proceeded to Mazin-
deran, then governed by Isfend Jurjani, of the race
of Manucheher, the son of Kabiis. Although
Ferdiisi had celebrated this Prince and his re*
nowned ancestors in the Shah Nameh, and by so
doing had excited the strongest feelings of affection
and gratitude in his generous mind, yet he dare((
not receive him openly at his court, from the dread
of Mahmud's dis])leasure, but privately sent him
very liberal marks of his munificence.

The persecuted bard at length betook himself
to Baghdad from Mazinderan, hoping there at least
to find a secure refuge from the rage of the infu-
riated Mahmiid.

About this }>eriod the friendly Ayaz had exe-
cuted the parting injunctions of the illustrious poet,
by delivering to Mahmud the cutting satire which
Ferdiisi had committed to his charge. He had also
chosen such an opportunity as his friend had desig-
nated, on a certain Friday, when the King had for
the first time discovered a short epigram written on
the wall of the great mosque, by Ferdiisi on the
night of his departure from Ghazni. It ran thus: — -

" The auspicious court of Mahmiid, King of

G

82 FERDUSI.

" Zabulistan, is as a great sea, the extent of
" which nobody can see.

" When I dived in it without finding pearls,
" it was the fault of my unhappy star, and not
" that of the sea^."

After the perusal of it the tyrant returned to
his palace in great irritation of mind.

It so happened that on the same day the King
received a letter from his friend Aluhteshim, relating
his meeting with the unfortunate Ferdusi, now in
his old age an unhappy wanderer on the face of the
earth, after having devoted the flower of his life
and the incessant exertion of his unparalleled
poetical talents for thirty years to his Sovereign's
wishes, and at the same time gently reproaching
His IMajesty for allowing himself to be imposed on
by the evil advice of malicious and interested cour-
tiers so much as to dismiss the greatest poet of the
age from his court, in the evening of his life,
destitute of all comforts, and unrewarded for a
work of genius and learning, which he had com-
menced by command of his King, and completed in

FERDUSI. 83

thirty years, by incredible labour and perseverance,
an astonishing monument of poetical abilities, un-
equalled in the world up to the present moment,
and most likely to remain so to all eternity. He
further informed him of the kindness with which
the justly indignant poet had consented, at his
request, to cancel the satirical history of His ]\Ia-
jesty that he had commenced, and concluded his
letter by quoting the two couplets, above inserted,
of the poetical epistle of Ferdusi to himself.

To describe the mingled sensations of grief,
regret, indignation, and rage, which assailed the
royal mind in perusing these different productions,
is quite impossible. But although he disgraced the
envious and malicious Vizir, fined him in the sum
of 60,000 drachms of gold, which he had prevented
him from bestowing on Ferdusi, and deeply re-
gretted his injustice to the noble-minded bard, still
he could not forgive the cutting satire contained in
the paper handed to him by Ayaz, and particularly
the lines in it reflecting on his mean birth.

The conflict of contending passions at length
unhappily settled in a tyrannical determination to
seize and punish the poet for those indignities which
the desperation, consequent on his own injustice,
had forced the oppressed Ferdusi to inflict upon
him. A large reward, therefore, was offered for his
apprehension.

But Ferdusi, although at first unknown in

G 2

84 FERDUSI.

Baghd^id, (for after Ids arrival he passed many days
in solitude and melanclioly, the correction and
polishing the Shah Nameh being his sole recreation
and solace,) 1)Y accident met a merchant, whom he
had known and been kind to in the hours of his
prosperity. This worthy man invited him to his
house, and presented him to the Vizir of the Khalif,
in whose praise he composed a panegyric in the
Arabic language, which was universally admired.
The Minister, on presenting him to the Khalif,
made him acquainted with his great merits and
misfortunes; and that generous Prince not only
loaded him with presents and honours, but promised
him protection against all his enemies. Ferdusi, it
is said, added a thousand couplets to the Shah
Nameh, in gratitude and praise of his munificent
patron.

It was soon reported to Shah Mahmud, that the
Khalif had undertaken to protect Ferdusi against
his utmost malice. That proud King immediately
sent an ambassador with a threatening letter to the
Khalif: — " Let the heretic Ferdusi be instantly sent
" to me! If not, I will come with a host of ele-
" phants that shall lay waste the territories of
" Baghdad and overwhelm its chief."

The spirited and ingenious Klialif, Kader Billah,
nothing daunted, wrote on the corner of this inso-
lent epistle nothing but the three letters A. L. M.,
and returned it, sealed up, to the proud monarch.

FERDUSI. 85

On the ambassador's arrival at Ghazni without Fer-
dusi, deep astonishment prevailed, and the Khulifs
reply or apology to the King's menace was impa-
tiently called for. Writing on the corner or margin
of a letter in the East, is only practised by a supe-
rior to an inferior, and consequently this implied
insult considerably excited the Shah's already in-
flamed irascibility; besides, there might be other
offensive meaning in the enigmatical three letters,
which neither Mahmud nor his ministers could
unravel. After much consultation and discussion
amongst the learned courtiers, at length a young
scholar, of fine talents and great penetration, dis-
covered that those three letters were the mysterious
signs placed at the head of the 105th chapter of tlie
Koran, which satisfied the council that the Khalif
was not a person to be trifled with or intimidated.

To explain the implied sarcastic witticism in the
Khalif's reply to the English reader, it is necessary
to relate the traditional cause of the prophet Mu-
hammed's having received the chapter in question,
as he said, from Heaven.

Abraha Ibn Sabah, (an Ethiopian Christian,) in
the year of Muhammed's birth, when Governor of
Yemen, built a superb church at Senaa, to draw
away the idolaters from the worship of the Kaaba
(holy stone) at Mecca, to his own, the true faith.
This church the Koreish contrived to defile by
means of a man called Nofail ; and to revenge this

1

86 FERDUSI.

sacrilege Abraha marched a large army against
Mecca, accompanied by a numerous host of ele-
phants, but God sent a flight of swallows, with
small stones in their bills, to let fall on the ele-
phants and troops, of which scarcely one escaped.
The Khalif, therefore, by the three letters reminds
Shah Mahmud of the fate of Abraha, in the words
of the Koran, in the 105th chapter, styled " the
elephant," which begins, —

" Hast thou not heard how thy Lord dealt with
" the masters of the elephant?" It continues thus,
"Did he not make their treacherous design an
" occasion of drawing them into error; and send
" against them flocks of birds, which cast down
" upon them balls of baked clay, and rendered them
" like the leaves of corn eaten by cattle ?*"

This ingenious and witty reproof in a great
measure put an end to Mahmud's furious persecu-
tion of Ferdusi, for his mind had been already
prepared for more compassionate feelings towards
him by the repeated supplications of his enlightened
friend Nasruddin Muhteshim.

A circumstance of a trifling nature, which hap-
pened shortly after the receipt of JNIuhteshim's last

* Vide Sale's Translation of the Koran.

FERDUSI. 87

letter, greatly accelerated his full forgiveness of the
poet. Nizami Aruzi relates, that Malimud was in
the act of dictating an angry letter to a rebellious
chieftain in Hindustan, in hopes of bringing him
back to his allegiance, and thereby obviating the
necessity of his leading an army into so distant a
part of his dominions, and was about to seal and
dispatch it, when some doubt of its success came
across him. He therefore asked his Minister what
was to be the alternative in case the letter had not
its desired effect; when the Vizir, a learned friend
of Ferdusi, and successor to his disgraced enemy,
Miemandi, at once replied in a couplet from the
Shah Nameh, —

" Should the answer not equal my expectation
" and wishes, why then myself atid my battle-axe
" and the field of combat, Afrasiab!"

The Sultan was moved; all his recollections
crowded fast upon him: the many years of delight
and intellectual gratification which the social charms,
the wit and ingenuity of Ferdusi had adorned,
passed in review before him ; his own injustice, his
want of appreciation of such eminent talents, his
meanness in listening to the selfish suggestions of

88 FERDUSI.

avarice, and in following the advice of an envious
minister; his oppression and persecution of a noble-
minded poet, who had taken the only means in his
power of revenging the injuries and indignities
heaped upon him; all stood up in bitter array before
the repentant monarch, and at length the poet was
informed of His Majesty's full forgiveness.

Shortly after, Ferdusi departed from Baghdad
and returned to his family at Tus; but he was old
and infirm, and the persecutions and anxieties he
had so long pined under had much injured his con-
stitution. He however resumed his former occu-
pations and habits, until one day passing through the
streets, he heard a child singing the following verse,
from his first satire on Shah Mahmud: —

" If the father of the King had been a King,
" his son would have placed a crown of gold upon
" my head."

which so forcibly recalled to his wounded feelings
the wrongs he had suffered, and the cruel return
made to him for the years of labour which he had
devoted to the composition of the Shah Nameh, that
faintness suddenly seized him, and shortly after
being taken into his house, death relieved him from

jj ^L!»' U^ c>^\.^jj.j y^j jj>j <-^^5J ^^*^ ijil-i) jS\

FERDUSI. 89

all the miseries of this unstable world, at the age
of eighty-three years.

In the mean time Mahmud, anxious to render
justice, however tardily, to the offended bard, on
hearing of his return to Tus, dispatched an envoy
with 60,000 drachms of gold, accompanied by silks,
brocades, velvets, and various other costly presents
to Ferdusi, as a peace offering. But, alas ! as the
loaded royal camels entered at one gate of the city,
a bier with the remains of the immortal poet passed
through another to his place of sepulture !

The Sultan's people offered the presents intended
for Ferdusi to his only daughter ; but in the spirit
of her father she refused it with noble disdain.
Jami and other authors relate that Mahmtid, wish-
ing to make some offering that would reflect honour
on the memory of the departed poet, ordered the
sum intended for him to be laid out, in his name, in
erecting a caravansera and bridge in Ttis, which
had been the favourite object of Ferdusi's ambition ;
and it is said that they existed for many years,
monuments of the poet's fame and the Sultan's
tardy justice, until destroyed by an invading army
of Ouzbegs under Obeid Khan. Hakim Nasir
Khiisru, in his Book of Travels, relates that he
visited Tus, a.h. 437, and saw a large caravansera,
newly built, which, on enquiry, he found had been
erected, with an embankment on the river, from
the funds sent by the Sultan to propitiate the justly
irate poet.

90 FERDUSI.

Taki Ouhdi, and Doulat Shah, in their Me-
moirs of the Poets, both relate the following anec-
dote, the one ascribing the act to a holy man
named Mohinuddin Ghazali, the other to Sheikh
Abulkasim Gurgani; but the latter is generally
supposed, in Persia, to have been the strictly ob-
serving priest to whom the vision was vouchsafed.
It appears that Abulkasim refused, as an orthodox
Muslim, to say prayers at the tomb of Ferdusi,
because in his Shah Nameh he had praised and
celebrated the infidel fireworshippers and jNIagi.
On the same night, he saw the immortal bard in a
vision, seated in one of the highest stations in
paradise, obsequiously attended by angels, genii, and
houris. Abulkasim demanded of Ferdusi by what
means he had obtained such an exalted destiny;
he answered, by one couplet in the Shah Nameh
in praise of the unity of God, which runs thus —

" Thou art the highest in the world, yet art
" thou present in the lowest profundity; I know
" not what, but whatever thou art, thou art !"

iSyi ciwJ J iS<y^J JsUj ^^ LJai
iSyi (S^M^ ^^^^f^' *—*^'**^ X«>^

FERDUSI. 91

On awaking the next morning the holy man
arose and incontinently repaired to the tomb of
Ferdusi, where he said prayers with earnest zeal
before the assembled inhabitants of the city, and
shed tears of repentance for his former refusal to
do so.

As to the bard's Takhalus, or poetical title of
Ferdusi, historians give different definitions ; some
asserting that he took it or was given it, from a
garden belonging to the Governor of Tus, named
Ferdus (Paradise), which his father and brother
looked after, and where he had commenced his
versification of the Shah Nameh ; others from a
compliment paid him by Sultan iVIahmud, shortly
after his presentation at the court of Ghazni, when
his admiration of the poet's wonderful genius was
excited by a beautiful tetrastic, composed extem-
pore, in praise of the monarch's favourite slave,
Ayaz. Mahmud then in delight exclaimed, "By
" your presence here, you have made my court a
" paradise, Ferdus."

In addition to the Shah Nameh, which is
supposed to have consisted of 60,000 couplets,
Ferdusi composed a poem containing 9,000 couplets
on the loves of Joseph and Zelikha, that abounds in
elegant and spirited diction ; but Persian critics
consider it inferior to his greater work, in con-
sequence of his having adopted a metre (the same
as that of the Shah Nameh) which is more

92 FERDUSI.

suited to descriptions of battles, encounters, and
heroic actions, than to the soft, although passionate,
effusions of a love story.

I possess also amongst my Persian MSS., an
elegiac poem from his inimitable pen, the only copy
I have ever met with either in Persia or India.

Jami, in his Beharistan, praising princes for
their due appreciation of talent, and severely re-
flecting upon Sultan Mahmud's want of it in the
case of our poet, says, " The splendour of the great
" Mahmud has vanished from the world, and nought
"remains of him excej)t the tale of his not justly
" appreciating the merit of Ferdusi."

Shir Khan Ludi, in his Memoirs of the Poets,
gives the title of "prophet" to Ferdusi in the two
following couplets from an anonymous author: —

" In poetry, there have been three divine
" missions, although Muhammed declared, 'After
" ' me there shall be no prophet.'

FERDUSI. 93

"In heroic verse, in elegy, and in the ode,
" Ferdusi, Anvari, and Saadi."

Doulat Shah of Samarkand, in his Biography,
gives most enthusiastic praises of Ferdusi, and as
proof of his wonderful poetical talents, declares
that in 400 years subsequent to the composition of
that sublime epic poem, to the date of his memoirs,
nothing had ever been brought forth by the most
eminent authors, that can in any shape be compared
with it.

This wonderful, highly-gifted, amiable, but un-
fortunate, poet, died at Tus, a.h. 411, a.d. 1020.

Respecting the anecdote of Sheikh Abulkasim's
having refused to say prayers over the remains of
Ferdusi, I beg, with great diffidence, to say, how
remarkable it is, that the couplet therein mentioned
has been given, by almost all Ferdusi's biographers,
as a quotation from the Shah Nameh, and even
by my late learned and ingenious friend Captain
Turner Macan, in his short English account of the
life of the poet. As nobody can doubt the wonder-
ful ability and assiduous perseverance of Mr. ]\Iacan
in collecting and collating the various manuscripts

94 FERDUSI.

of the Shah Nam eh that were submitted for his
perusal, the couplet not appearing in his printed
edition of the poem, is, I should say, a strong proof
of a supposition, long entertained by me, of its
being an interpolation.

I remember, when ambassador from His late
Majesty, George III., to Fateh Ali Shah, King of
Persia, a conversation took place one morning in
the council-room of the palace, where I was sitting
with the king's ministers and some learned men and
poets, upon the wonderful epic poem of the " Book
of Kings." I inquired if the anecdote above alluded
to, was considered authentic; they answered in the
affirmative, and asked if I doubted the truth of it.
I remarked, that I had often searched for the
couplet, on which the relation was founded, in vain,
not only in three very ancient and valuable copies
in my own library, but also in fifteen or sixteen
others that I had occasionally seen ; that the ab-
sence of so sublime a couplet in all those copies of
the Shah Nameh, and the presence of one very
nearly similar in the preface to the Sikander
Nameh, of Nizami, had excited doubts which I
hoped they would be able to dispel.

Several of the company sent for their copies,
being unanimous in declaring that the lines were
from Ferdusi, and would be found in the preface of
the Shah Nameh. So confident did they appear,
that I thought myself fortunate in not having too

FERDUSI. 95

strongly insisted on my own opinion, so contrary to
that of the assembly, but by merely demanding the
reason why so fine a couplet, and one on which so
interesting an anecdote was founded, should have
been omitted in all the copies I had ever seen. At
length the messengers returned with seven copies,
when, to the great surprise of the company, it was
found that six were without the couplet, and the
only one that had it was an indifferently written
copy made some thirty years before, in a common
Naskh character, for Farajullah Khan.

It is only fair to state, that I have not waded
through the whole of the Shah Nameh in search
of this said couplet, because I conceive that it is
only to be sought for in the Touhid (praise of the
unity of God), as in Farajullah Khan's copy.

The text of the Shah Nameh was so much
corrupted and deteriorated by ignorant and vain
transcribers as to excite the indignation of the
learned Cheghetai Prince Baisankar Khan, grandson
of the great Timur, who, a.h. 829, a.d, 1425,
with the wish of restoring the original text, col-
lected and collated a vast number of copies, from
which he had made, we may hope, a correct tran-
script. But since that period copies have been so
multiplied, and their contents differ so widely, both
in matter and bulk, as to excite a well-founded
suspicion of their correctness. Captain Macan, in

96 FERDUSI.

collating a great many copies, found much dis-
crepancy in the readings, and immense difference in
the number of couplets in the various copies: the
smallest number of those he examined being 46,982,
the greatest 56,588.

Of the three copies in my collection, the oldest,
No. 1, a short folio of 926 pages, written in a fine
Nastaalik character, contains only 49,991 couplets.
The frontispiece and titles are most elaborately and
beautifully illuminated, and the volume illustrated
by fifty-five miniature paintings, extremely curious
from the antiquity of the costume, armour, &c.
Neither the name of the scribe nor the date of the
transcript is given in the usual manner at the end
of the book; but as by an inscription in the illumi-
nation it appears to have adorned the library of
Abul Fateh Ibrahim Sultan, son of Sharukh Mirza,
and the grandson of Tamerlane (Timur), we may
safely infer that it was probably transcribed some
four years before the above-mentioned collation of
copies, by his cousin Baisankar Khan, (perhaps
about A.D. 1420,) as the preface does not notice it,
as those of more modern copies usually do.

The inscription above alluded to is in a beautiful,
fanciful, illuminated ornament on the back of the
first leaf of the preface, and is repeated in the
magnificent frontispiece.

FERDUSr. 97

^^lkX*v.J< ^:s^^^JI ^J^cNJ! ^las:^\ ^^^\l^i^\ ^6\^^^L ^^^

^^UsXm' rc^^j^-i^ ^i.]\yj\ (jJ«>J'j W«^\5 X;tiX*v.3^

" The particular treasury mark of the greatest,
*' most just, and most brave Sultan, the Aid to
" right and Empire, the world, and the faith,
" Abul Fateh, (Father of Victory,) Ibraliim Sul-
" tan, may his dominion be perpetual."

The first preface, of seven pages, gives lists of
the different dynasties, and succinct accounts of the
duration of reigns, &c., accompanied by a short
vocabulary of ancient Persian words and their
meanings, entitled Loghat ul Furs. (^^jiJ! iUj)

The second preface of No. 1, of eight pages,
contains a short account of Ferdusi, Shah Mahmud,
and the Shah Nameh. The anecdote of the meet-
ing between Ferdusi and the three poets in the
garden near Ghazni, is related at length, and illus-
trated with a painting, of which I annex an outline.
The circumstance of this anecdote being given in so
old and valuable a manuscript, with an expensive
illustration, induces me to lean towards the belief
of its authenticity.

No. 2 (No. 187 in the catalogue) is a large

H

98 FERDUSI.

thick folio of 1250 pages, transcribed in a small and
beautiful Nastaalik character, by the celebrated
penman Sultan Husein, the son of Sultan Ali, the
son of Asian Shah, a.h. 899, a.d. 1493, and illus-
trated with fifty-six miniature paintings, highly
finished in the Tatar style.

Although this copy was made some seventy years
after the correction of the text by order of Baisankar
Khan, nevertheless the Prince's name is not men-
tioned in the preface, consisting of twelve pages.

The anecdote of Ferdusi's rencontre with the
three poets in the garden near Ghazni is recorded
to the same purport as that in No. 1, and an illus-
trative painting added, nearly similar to it.

The number of couplets in No. 2 is 52,586.

Copy No. 3 (No. 105 in catalogue). Of this
beautiful copy, the last leaf having been lost, I
cannot exactly determine the date of its being
transcribed, but from its paper, character (a fine
Nastaalik), and illustrations, as well as the mention
of the collation of copies by order of Baisankar
Khan in its preface, a tolerably correct conjecture
may be made that it must have been written after
A.D. 1425, and probably not later than 1450.

This magnificent copy, in Persian binding, con-
tains 54,758 couplets, on 1252 pages, and 115
miniature paintings to illustrate the text.

Tlie preface consists of twenty-five })ages. On

FERDUSI. 99

the outside, the covers are adorned witli paintings of
the Holy Family (a not iinfreqiient ornament in
Persia), within arabesque borders, flowers, &c., and
on the inside, pictures of Persian ladies, surrounded
by borders, form the ornament.

In this copy also the meeting between Ansari
and his companions, and Ferdusi, is recited in a
similar manner to that mentioned in Nos. 1 and 2.

H

100

No. 235.— THE DIWAN OF KASIM AL ANWAR.

Kasim, "a pearl of the Sea of Truth, and a tra-
" veller on the plains of Sufyism," as Doulat Shah
styles him in his "Memoirs of the Poets," was bom
at the Serab of Tabriz, the capital of Azerbaijan, and
descended from an illustrious family of Seyeds in
that province. In his youth he became the disciple
of a celebrated Sufi, Sheikh Sefiuddin of Ardebil.
With him he remained some time, learning fi'om his
holy lip the bright excellence of truth, the myste-
ries of the Sufi doctrine, and the whole circle of the
sciences, until his fame became almost equal to that
of his spiritual master. But according to Ahmed
Ghofari, in his history entitled " Jehan Arc4," it was
to the son of Sefiuddin, Saddaruddin Musa, that he
owed his eminence in piety and learning. His
name was originally INIuinuddin Ali, but having had
an extraordinary dream, upon the subject of the
division of lights (anwar), which he reported to his
spiritual master, that holy man induced him to as-
sume the name of Kasim Anwar, or Sharer, Dis-
penser of Lights.

Blessed Avith a great share of piety, contentment,
and resignation, Kasim obtained permission from
the Sheikh to reside a short time at Khatlan, and
he there propagated his virtuous precepts to a

KASIM AL ANWAR. 101

numerous class of disciples, who spread his fame
abroad. From thence he travelled to Nishapilr,
and would have made a long sojourn, but that his
doctrines were rudely opposed by some ignorant
pretenders to science there, which induced him to
proceed to Herat. In the capital of Khorasan his
fame and virtues were so justly appreciated, that all
the learned men, as well as the greater part of the
royal Princes, became his disciples. Even one
notorious atheist was converted by his eloquence,
and redeemed from perdition. Kasim's character
was duly estimated, crowds of disciples flocked to
his instructive meetings, and even the lower orders
showed him more respect than they paid to the
princes and rulers of the land. But this did not
last long. Envious meddlers misrepresented the
wonderful popularity and increasing influence of
Kasim to the King Shahrukh, and persuaded him
that, as all the youths of the city were at his orders,
tumult and disturbance might arise unless His Ma-
jesty commanded his departure from the capital.
The King assented, and his orders were conveyed to
the Seyed, who, however, with the proud inde-
pendence of innocence, refused, with indignation,
obedience to them, on the plea that no JNIuselman
King had a right to tyrannize over one of the faith-
ful, who had committed no crime whatever. Oppo-
sition to the royal orders demanded coercion, but so
great was the awe that his sanctity and true piety

102 KASIM AL ANWAR.

inspired, that the executive paused ere compulsion
was adopted, and allowed the learned and generous
Prince Baisankar JMirza to try what mildness and
ingenuity might effect.

The royal Prince therefore waited upon the
Seyed, who, after some conversation, said, " Your
" father, a INIuselnian Sovereign, orders me to de-
" part from his capital ; may I ask on what grounds
" his commands have been issued ?" The Prince,
after some kind and soothing advice, replied "O
" revered master ! why do you not act agreeably to
" your own expressed opinions and sentiments?"
Kasim asked the meaning of the Prince's question,
when he repeated the following couj)let from one of
the Seyed's odes : —

" O, Kasim, say no more, rise and pursue thy
" way ! Throw sugar to the parrot, but place
" carrion before the wolf"

Kasim applauded the Prince, praised his wit and
judgment, gave him his blessing, and having been
liberally supplied with carriage cattle for his jour-
ney by his friends and pupils, departed for Balkh
and Samarkand, where he remained a considerable

e,N^/LA*i ;^V C^^^ c5^>^ /^ /'^

KASIM AL ANWAR. 103

time, loaded ^vith honours and favours, beloved and
esteemed by high and low.

After some years, he again visited Herat, and,
after a lengthened stay, the love of his native country,
and a strong desire of again seeing it, fired his
imagination, and set him once more on the thorny
paths of travel. In his way he reached the town of
Jam, near which there is a small place called Kher-
jerd, where, the weather being then very hot, he
rested some time in a delightful garden, lent to him
by the chief of the village. The enjoyment of the
garden and its fine fruits, which he purchased from
the proprietor, induced him to lengthen his stay
until the summer heats were past. His friends and
followers, seeing that the air of this place agreed
with the Seyed, purchased the garden, and in it
built a small house for his accommodation, in which
he prolonged his residence until the year of the
Hijra 835, a d. 1431, when he made his last long
journey to the mansions of the blessed. The
" Seven Climates " gives his death 837.

The remains of Seyed Kasim are interred in the
garden which he adorned when living. Seyed
Nasir, of an illustrious Herat family, added consi-
derably to the dignity of his tomb and the embel-
lishment of the garden ; and, at a later period, the
munificent Prince Amir Alishir directed a beautiful
monument to be erected to the honour of Kasim al
Anwar.

104 KASIM AL ANWAR.

In his latter years, Kasim became corpulent, ami
his face assumed a fresher complexion. A friend,
observing his altered appearance, asked him what
ought to be the marks of a true lover (of God).
Kasim said, A yellow countenance and emaciated
person. "Then why art thou the reverse of this?"
The Seyed replied, " O, my brother, I have been the
" lover, but now I am the beloved," and quoted a
couplet from the INIethnavi of Jelaluddin Rumi : —

" I at one time was a beggar, and possessed
" no better residence than a lonely cave. I be-
" came a king, a palace is necessary for a royal
" court."

Geiathuddin bin Khandemir, in his history
entitled " Habib as Seyar," gives a. h. 837 as the
date of his death; and adds, that after his expulsion
from Herat by Sultan Shahrukh, and arrival at
Samarkand, his friends were apprehensive that he
Avould not show that respect to the great Ulugh
Beg that he had refused to the King at Herat.
However, finding himself near the royal residence,
he entered the citadel unasked, and had a most
agreeable interview with the Prince, who was de-
lighted with the holy man.

The kindness of his friends and pupils enabled
liim to live at Samarkand in much affluence, and
the highest distinction.

KASIM AL ANWAR. 105

The odes of Kasim are of an elevated character,
and strongly tinted with Siifi mysticism. The follow-
ing is the only specimen of his poetry quoted by
Haji Lutf Ali in his "Atesh Kedah."

" Fate is a hand that exercises its live linofers
" on its victim. Two are placed on the eyes, two
" upon the ears, and one upon the lips, saying,
" ' Be for ever silent.' "

106

No. 236.— THE DIWAN OF MEGHREBI.

Haji Lutf Ali, in his "Memoirs of the Poets,"
says that the poet Meghrebi was a Sufi of some
celebrity at Tabriz. His name was Muhammed
Shirin, and he flourished in the reign of Sultan
Shahrukh, the son of Amir Timur (Tamerlane); but
the Hciji gives no further account of this pious and
learned man's history, except that he died and was
buried in his native city Tabriz.

Shir Khan Ludi tells us that IVIeghrebi was by
some supposed to have been a disciple of Sheikh
Ismail Sibi, and that he assumed the poetical title
(Takhalus) of Meghrebi (the Western), from having
travelled into Africa, or the western provinces of
Asia. Others again assign the title to his having
studied Sufyism under a relative of the celebrated
Sheikh Mohinuddin al Ghurbi. Shir Khan further
says, that he was contemporary with Sheikh Kamal
Khejendi, and that these two great poets and Sufis
greatly enjoyed each other's society ; but, according
to Ali bin Husein Waiz, in his book of "Witticisms,"
the friendship of these excellent men was fated to
be dissolved by rivalry for royal favour.

The Prince Miran Shah, when governing Tabriz
for his father Shahrukh, became a disciple of
Meghrebi, and never failed to wait upon him once
every week, until the arrival of Kamal Khejendi,

MEGHREBI. 107

wliose brilliant wit and charming manners quite
captivated the young Prince. From the date of
his acquaintance with Kamal, he ceased visiting
Meghrebi, but called on his new friend twice every
week, which cruelly wounded his old master's
feelings.

Kamal, although devout and learned, was so
fond of society, that he made it a practice to enter-
tain a great number of guests every morning at
breakfast, which caused him to squander large sums
of money. The Prince, aware of his pecuniary
difficulties, one day sent him a very splendid golden
girdle, or waistband, set with precious stones of great
value. The lavish Kamal immediately sold this
gift for a large sum of money, the whole of which
he expended in giving a magnificent breakfast the
next day to the entire city of Tabriz.

The Prince, perceiving that Meghrebi was almost
the only person absent from the feast, asked Kamal
the reason; he answered, "JNIeghrebi is afflicted
with pain." The Prince asked, " What pain ?" The
poet replied, " Pain of the waist"

Muhammed Shirin IMeghrebi died at Tabriz
A.H. 707, A.D. 1307, in his sixtieth year, and was
buried in the Surkhab there.

108

No. 6.— THE DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF
ODES, BY ABDUL WASAA.

The author of this collection of odes, idyls, and
elegies, Abdul Wasaa, was born in the hills of
Ghurjistan, whence he took his Takhalus, or poeti-
cal title of Jebeli, or "Mountaineer." Although he
traced his ancestry up to Ali, or, in other words,
was a Seyed, the poverty of his parents forced him
to follow the pursuits of a rustic.

It was whilst tending a field of cotton from the
incursions of a herd of camels, that Sultan Sanjar, a
Siljuki monarch, who greatly patronised poets and
learned men, first discovered the poetical talents of
Abdul Wasaa whilst yet a youth, who, unconscious
of the approach of his royal auditor, comically apos-
trophized the intruding camels with the following
tetrastic : —

" O, Camels ! with necks like flasks, I know
" what you wish to do ! In vain you stretch out
" your long necks, for you shall not eat the cot-
" ton."

liJiJ' ^^ yL ^^:>• *.J!fc>

ABDUL M'ASAA JEBELI. 109

This indication of talent pleased the Sultan so
much, that he immediately took him into his service,
and gave him a highly-finished education. His
Majesty's pains were amply rewarded, for Abdul
Wasaa became a perfect master of the art of poetry,
both in the Arabic and Persian languages, being
reckoned by Jami (in his Beharistan) to have ex-
celled all his contemporaries in the Kasideh (Elegy
and Panegyric). He adds that as yet nobody has
been found that could compose a poem equal to one
of his which begins thus: —

*' Who possesses like thee a mistress so lovely,
" so animated, and so heart-attracting?"

Jami, whose judgment was most excellent, quotes
the following lines, as worthy of all praise : —

" The world contains not a face of beauty so
" heart-inflaming as thine. In this extended city
" there is not a youth of such soul-consuming
" attractions. Since I have dwelt upon thy coun-
" tenance, blooming like the tulip fresh with dew,
" lovely as the narcissus, like the tulip I blossom
" forth with rapture at thy presence, or, like the
" narcissus, droop my head in anguish at thy
" absence."

110 ABDUL WASAA JEBELI.

J^ y^j^y^ ^"^ V j^ '*^^-^*^ j-£>:^ j<^

tf^j sjiiX^ d^lLo ^j -\ ,xJ^ ^ ^jf) ^

Abdul Wasaa was also patronised by Behram
Shah, Sultan of Ghazni (of the Sabactagin race, and
cousin to Sultan Saujar), and resided long at his
court, where literature and poets were liberally
encouraged. Behram Shah was the prince to whom
Hamiduddin Nasrullah dedicated his translation of
the Kalilah Damnah from Arabic into Persian, and
Hakim Senai, his Hedikah. He died a.h. 543,
A.D. 1148.

Abdul Wasaa wrote many beautiful poems in
praise of his first patron, Sultan Sanjar Siljuki,
Behram Shah, and his father, Masaud Shah. Ac-
cording to the " Memoirs of the Poets," by Ali Kuli
Khan of Daghistan, the Diwan and poems of
Abdul Wasaa contain nearly 8000 couplets.

This beautiful manuscript of 406 pages is tran-
scribed in an excellent Nastaalik character, and
highly illuminated throughout. Although there is
neither the date of its being written, nor the name
of the Scribe, so as to fix the time of its being

ABDUL WASAA JEBELI. Ill

copied, still the character and the paper, as well as
the costume of the four curious miniature paintings
of hunting and convivial scenes that adorn it, are
strong proofs of its antiquity. By the seal of one
of its former possessors, Muhammed Ali Ullah, we
find a date of a.h. 1030, a.d. 1620, but conceive it
to have been transcribed long before that period,
and nearer the time of the author, whose works are
now extremely scarce, and rarely to be met with.

112

No. 7.— METHNAVI, EMPHATICALLY STYLED
"THE POEM."

The author of this sublime poem on Divine Love
and the Sufi Philosophy, was Mulami Jelalucldin,
the son of ]Muhammed Bahauddin bin Hasan, bom
at Balkh, a.h. 592, a.d. 1195. His grandmother
was the daughter of Alhihuddin, the last King but
one of the dynasty of Kharizmian rulers, and his
mother the daughter of a King of Khorasan. His
father traced his noble ancestry up to the Com-
mander of the faithful, Abubekr, and enjoyed, in
consequence of his great sanctity and learning, so
much respect and enthusiastic kindness from the
inhabitants of Balkh, as to excite the jealousy of
Sultan JNIuhammed Kharizm Shah, who held his
court in that city. By repeated underhand annoy-
ances, he forced this venerable man, as much dis-
tinguished for the treasures of general learning and
knowledge which he possessed, as for the utmost
perfection in the Sufi doctrine, to abandon his
native city in his latter days, with all his family,
and accompanied by many of his disciples.

Bahauddin directed his steps, in the first in-
stance, towards Mecca, with the firm determination
of never returning to Balkh whilst the oppressor
Sultan ]\Iuhammed reigned ; and as everything
respecting so celebrated a personage became a

JELALUDDIN. 118

matter of general interest, a report of the injustice
of the King, and the detestation it excited, pre-
ceded him in his journey.

When the travellers approached the city of
Nishapur, the very celebrated scholar, Sheikh Feri-
duddin Attar, came out to meet them, received
them in his house most courteously, and although
Jelaluddin was still a child, presented him with
one of his compositions entitled " Asrar Nameh,"
or " Book of Secrets," a poem on the Siifi Doctrine,
and said to his father, " The day will come, when
"this child will kindle the fire of divine enthusiasm
"throughout the world."

From Nishapur they proceeded to the holy
temple at Mecca ; at every town through which
they passed the people of rank and respectability all
flocked to Mulanu Bahauddin, to attain improve-
ment in the liberal arts and sciences, as well as in
the mystic learning of the Sufi philosophers.

After the journey to Hejaz was completed they
visited the tombs of the saints in Syria, and at the
close of some years' wanderings arrived at Constan-
tinople, previously to which both father and son
became pupils of the venerable Seyed Burhanuddin
of Termed, who had been their fellow-traveller to
Hejaz and Syria, and who, when dying in the latter
country, told Bahauddin that Greece would be the
place in which he and his son should ultimately find
distinction and celebrity, through the favour of

I

114 JELALUDDIN.

Sultan Allahiiddin Kaikobad, a descendant of Suli-
man Shah and Sultan Melik Shah Siljuki.

Bahauddin settled in Koniah (Iconium), where
the Sultan gave him most liberal proofs of his mu-
nificence, and manifested his respect for him by
becoming his disciple. He continued to reside for
some years in Greece, in wealth and respectability ;
the most learned of the learned, the most devout
of the pious, and died, rich in honours and in years,
A.H. 631, A.D. 1233.

By the general consent of the Sufi scholars, as
well as by his father's will, Jelaluddin succeeded to
the distinguished situation of spiritual guide to his
numerous and illustrious disciples, and to the title
of Sultan ul Ulema. His learning, science, and
devotion, in the o])inion of the public, excelled
those of his father, and tbe consequence was that
shortly after his accession to the chair, four hundred
additional students attended his college and sought
the light of his instruction.

But although revered by the Sultan, and almost
adored by his disciples, Jelaluddin, with innate
modesty and diffidence, conceived that he might
still learn, as well as teach, for he was not quite
satisfied of his acquirements in the mystic science
of the Sufi doctors. He consequently cultivated
the knowledge of these mysteries, first under the
great Sheikh Salahuddin Zerkub (gold beater), but
afterwards and more constantly attended the in-

JELALUDDIN. 115

structions of Hasam uddin Chelebi of Koniah, to
whom he alludes in a dedicatory strain in the com-
mencement of the third book of the " Methnavi."

Shemsuddin of Tabriz, a man of singular learn-
ing and sanctity, was the friend to whom Mulana
Jelaluddin was most tenderly attached ; after en-
joying the society of each other for a number of
years, they both died nearly at the same time,
A.H. 661, A.D. 1262, and were buried at Koniah.

Many miracles are gravely ascribed to Jela-
luddin by his enthusiastic biographers, but the rela-
tion of one may be considered sufficient. Shir
Khan Ludi says that when the Mulana was only
six years old, whilst playing with children of his
own age on the flat roofs of some of the houses in
Balkh, one of his playmates proposed that they
should jump from one house to another, when he
reproved them, saying that such like actions could
be performed by dogs, cats, and other animals, and
were beneath the consideration of the human
species, but, if they felt the superiority of intellec-
tual force and power, which distinguished man
from the brute creation, they should join him in
seeking to fly to heaven. Having uttered these
words he disappeared from their sight. Amaze-
ment, for some minutes, reduced the children to
breathless silence ; at length they cried out, when
Jelaluddin returned to them, saying, " I have been
" all over the heavens, and under the guidance of

I 2

116 JELALUDDIN.

" angels, have seen many of the wonders of God's
"creations; but you cried out and I was again
" brought back to you."

The Mulana was sixty-nine years of age when
he closed his earthly career in Koniah, and was suc-
ceeded by his son Sultan Walid.

This most curious and beautiful manuscript,
containing all six dafters or books of the extraor-
dinary poem, entitled " Methnavi," is comprised in
668 pages, written in the finest Naskh character
by the celebrated scribe Nasir bin Hasan of Mecca,
and rendered exceedingly valuable by having the
diacritical points added throughout, which is of
great advantage to the reader in fixing not only the
pronunciation of each word, but in many cases their
meaning also, which otherwise might be doubtful.
The illuminations and embellishments are of the
finest and most costly description, and from a
beautiful arabesque in the first page we learn
that it was transcribed for the Royal Library of
Abulfateh Yerbudak Bahadur Khan.

117

No. 8.— THE DIWAN OF SELMAX OF SAVA.

The author of this inestimable collection of poems,
Jemal uddin Selman, was a respectable native of
the city of Sava, situated close upon the Salt Desert
near Kom. His father, Khajah Allahuddin, was a
famous penman and accountant, much noticed by
his Sovereign. Selman was also eminent in arith-
metic, but more justly celebrated for his general
accomplishments in all sciences and his wonderful
talent for poetry. Sheikh Reken uddin Semnani
used to say that there were two things unequalled
in the world, '* the pomegranate of Semnan, and the
" poetry of Selman."

The poet in travelling in the Arabian Irak,
rested for some time at Baghdad, where a happy
accident brought him acquainted with the Sultan
Mir Sheikh Hasan Nuian and his beautiful and
learned Queen Dilshad Khatun, both of whom took
great delight in his society. The Sultan became
the pupil of Selman, and placed his eldest son,
Sultan Oweis, under his care. They both studied
the art of poetry under him, and the fame of having
two such scholars caused a sensation that rendered
his name respected through the whole of Asia,

118 SELMAN.

which was strongly confirmed by the unceasing
affection that they continued to show Selman for a
great number of years.

The kind familiarity existing between the poet
and his royal pupils may be gathered from the fol-
lowing anecdote, which is mentioned by the bio-
grapher. One night Selman sat up with Sultan
Oweis later than usual, in the forgetfulness of time,
so often occasioned by the charms of wine and
literary enjoyment. The Sultan ordered an under
chamberlain to take up a candlestick and light the
fascinating companion to his chamber. The candle-
stick being of gold, the chamberlain went to claim
it the following morning, but instead of restoring
the royal property, the witty Selman sent the fol-
lowing couplet to the Sultan.

" Last night the taper consumed itself in
" weeping burning drops of sorrow at our sepa-
" ration, and to-day if the king take back its
" stand, I shall be consumed myself in a similar
" manner."

p>*^ i5-« c> ^"-^ *XxXla l^tj^y j^j^^fi

The Sultan laughing observed that it was a
difficult matter to recover a golden candlestick

SELMAN. 119

from a witty poet, and therefore desired the cham-
berlain not to molest him about it.

Khajah Selman wrote parodies to several of
Zehiruddin Fariabi's poems at the request of Sultan
Oweis and his mother, the beautiful Dilshad Kha-
tun, for which he obtained the magnificent grant of
two villaofes in Rei as a reward. The followinof
tetrastic will give some idea of the beauty of these
parodies, supposed to be applicable to the charms of
the queen-mother.

" Over thy rows of pearls the carnelian of thy
" lips sheds the rapture of life ; they were of
" inestimable value and therefore placed in hidden
" security ; thy pouting lips became a ruby lock
" over the opening treasures, and a love-patch of
" amber sealed it with the impression of beauty."

It is the opinion of one of Selman's biographers,
Doulat Shah, that if the Sultan had bestowed upon
him the whole province of Rei, instead of two of its

fcjLj ^V=> jJiJ tl^xJ lJUXc j^ ^j-" j^

^V u^ '^^- '^y*' ^t^ '^rr*^

120 SELMAN.

villages, for the above lines, he might still have
incurred tlie accusation of parsimony.

The following stanzas are also considered worthy
of praise.

"I asked an experienced elder, who had profited
" by his knowledge of the world, Tell me, said I,
" what course I should pursue to obtain pro-
" sperity. He replied. Contentment, if you are
" able, practise contentment."

When Khajah Selman felt old age approaching,
and his eyes became dim, he asked permission from
Sultan Oweis to retire from court and pass the
remnant of his days in the tranquillity of his native
city, which the king consented to, and at parting
generously presented him with villages near Sava
as well as at Rei.

Dilshad Khatiin, the queen of Sheikh Hasan
Nuian and mother of Sultan Oweis, was considered
the most clever, accomplished, and beautiful woman
ever known in the East, and possessed of so gifted a

J!^«J ^JjS" ajyJ (^jjL^^ jfi:>.j

\A

Lo tlXcLii* ^\y^ ,^ jfS

SELMAN. 121

mind that during her husband's Hfetime she trans-
acted all the public affairs of the empire in a most
statesmanlike manner. Her son Sultan Oweis pos-
sessed an excellent understanding, a sweet dis-
position, and a most prepossessing appearance. He
was, moreover, highly accomplished. With a reed
or Persian pen he could design in such a masterly
manner as to astonish the most eminent painters.
His beauty was so attractive, that when he rode out
on horseback the inhabitants of Baghdad ran in
crowds to gaze upon his lovely countenance, so that
the general opinion was thus expressed in the fol-
lowing couplet : —

" The odour of Joseph's garment (beauty) had
" been long lost to the world, but at length it
" was recognized from under thy vest."

But about the period that the fame of his beauty,
his magnificence, generosity, science, and general
accomplishment had spread over tlie world, when
his power and command were acknowledged from
Rei to Constantinople, and when he had attained
only the meridian of his valuable existence, he was
suddenly snatched away from this perishable world

122 SELMAN.

to that where his virtues will meet their clue
reward.

When death was evidently approaching its vic-
tim, this worthy pupil of the highly gifted poet and
philosopher Selman, composed the following affect-
ins; Farewell: —

"o

" From the seat of empire of the soul I one
" day visited the habitations of mortals. For a
" short time I was here a stranger, but I now
" return to the home from whence I came.

" I was the servant of a lord, from whose
" presence I absented myself, but I now go before
" my master again, shamefaced and abashed, bear-
" ing with me my sword and winding-sheet.

" That holy bird, my soul, was for some time
*' confined in this mortal cage, but the cage is
" now broken and the bird flies again to its be-
" loved fields.

^J J^ij^ '^JV '^^■r ^^ f^^ 15-*^^

SELMAN. 123

" Adieu! my friends and companions, my
" further sojourn in this world is forbidden, but,
" may you enjoy every blessing and happiness in
" that abode from which I am now hastening."

The hardest heart must melt at the fate of this
young and accomplished monarch. The soul of
sympathetic sorrow will weep drops of blood on
viewing the destiny of this lovely rose-bud, snatched
away in the season of its spring, even before it had
fully blown.

Selman was sorely afflicted at the death of his
friend, pupil, and patron ; and whilst weeping at
the doleful intelligence just announced to him,
composed the following short extemporaneous
elegy :—

" Alas ! that a rose of the garden of empire
" should fade away suddenly in the zenith of its
" spring !

(♦.xij (3-0 »S *jUl jjj^-i i-il-j try*' (ji«.A£ !^ U -ii

124 SELMAN.

" Alas ! that the rider who pursued and cap-
" tured only the hearts of his adoring subjects,
" should no longer manage the courser of his
" happiness !"

Khajah Selman lived forty years, respected and
beloved, at the court of Sheikh Hasan Nuian, his
Queen Dilshad Khatun, and their son Sultan
Oweis. The poet's memory is held dear by con-
temporaneous as well as subsequent authors. Mir
Gholam Ali Azad, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
agrees with all his other biographers that Khajah
Selman was the prince of poets, and quotes the fol-
lowing verse of the celebrated Hafiz in support of
his opinion.

" If you wish to learn in the language of
" truth and sincerity, and not that of falsehood
" or fancy, who is the most learned poet of the
" age ;

" The emperor of erudite scholars, the sove-
" reign of the kingdom of poetry and eloquence,
" is the perfection of faith and religion, Khajah
« Selman."

SELMAN. 125

Abdurrahman Jami, in his " Beharistan,'' de-
scribes Selman's style as very sublime, but rather
pedantic. In several of his poems composed, as it
were, in reply to those of other eminent poets, Jami
considers him in general successful over his com-
petitors, rarely inferior, sometimes equal. Although
he has introduced much original matter into his
compositions, he blends with it at times the thoughts
of others, particularly of Kamal Ismail ; but he has
clothed their borrowed ideas in a better dress and
finer turn of expression, which absolves him from
any censure on his plagiarism. The following is
Jami's opinion of Selman's poetry. " Khiirshid and
Jemshid " is almost too refined in its diction.
"Farak Nameh" is written in smooth and most
charming versification. His Odes are delightful,
chaste compositions, but as the subjects of Love
and Friendship, the legitimate materials for the
Ghazal, are not sufficiently made use of, the ad-
mirers of that species of poetry do not allow him
bis deserved meed of praise.

In a book entitled Lataif ul Tawaif, " Witticisms
" of , Various Classes," by Ali Ibn al Vaiz al Kashefi,
it is related that Selman wrote the following severe
epigram against a poet named Aabid Zekani, who
was reckoned the cleverest satirist of the day.

" There is an infernal satirist, Aabid Zekani,
" notorious as a worthless atheist.

126 SELMAN.

" Although not a native of Kazvin, but the
" son of a rustic, still in common parlance he is
" called a Kazvini*."

Aabid Zekani, on reading this unprovoked at-
tack, determined on revenge, and for that purpose
departed for Baghdad, which he reached at a mo-
ment when Selman was sitting on the banks of the
Tigris, in the height of his fame and glory, sur-
rounded by wits and poets. Aabid approached
him, and was asked who he was, and from whence
he came; he answered in rhyme ^^nt^ ^\ ^S.^^ is^^^
(^jyy'i " I ^^ ^ poor man from the city of Kazvin."
Selman inquired if he had heard any of his poetry ;
Aabid said, Yes, he remembered two stanzas, and
repeated the following couplets : —

" I am a frequenter of the tavern, and a wor-
" shipper of wine : in the cellars of the infidel I
" am an intoxicated lover.

" They carry me about on their backs like a

* In Kliorasiin, a rude and passionate man bears the sobri-
qnet of a Khazvliii.

SELMAN. 127

" large flagon of Avine : they pass me about from
" hand to hand like the circling cup."

" Now," continued Aabid, turning to the as-
sembled wits, " Selman is a man of great talent and
" erudition, and it appears to me impossible that he
" could have composed these flimsy lines. I am
" rather inclined to think that they have been
" written by his wife, and that in them she de-
" scribed her own mode of life, being passed about
" from hand to hand in a state of intoxication," &c.

Certainly "dush badiish," and "dast badast" are
expressions more used by females than by the other
sex ; therefore the plausible but inveterate criticism
on Selman's poetry, combined with the insulting
insinuation against his wife before such an as-
sembly, put him almost beside himself. He im-
patiently asked the stranger if he was not Aabid
Zekani. Aabid answered in the afl^rmative, and
after adding many reproaches in a strain of asperity
and rebuke, thus concluded, " You profess, O Sel-
" man, to cultivate erudition and the liberal sciences;
" but what proofs do you give of this in lampoon-
" ing a man whom you had never seen, with whose

128 SELMAN.

" merits or imperfections you were totally imac-
" quainted, and one who had never given you cause
" of displeasure ? Your temerity and injustice have
" induced me to undertake a journey from a dis-
" tant city to Baghdad solely for the purpose of
" chastising you. I wished to have met you in the
" l^resence of our Sovereign, that your punishment
" might have been as public as the illiberal provo-
" cation that caused it. Your good fortune has
" saved you from that exposure, by throwing you
" into my claws here on the banks of the Tigris,
" but I trust that you will profit by the lesson you
" have received."

Selman, although smarting under the severe
infliction, generously viewed the attack in its true
light, and rising from his seat, after many apologies,
embraced his brave antagonist, and took him to his
house. They were ever after the firmest friends.

According to Haji Liitf Ali, in his " Atesh
" Kedah," Selman died ah. 769, a.d. 1366, (which
confirms the date assigned by Doulat Shah of
Samarkand,) and was buried at the estate at Rei,
given him by Sultan Oweis.

The celebrated poets, contemporary with Sel-
man, were Aabid Zekani, Naser Bokhari, Khaji^ii
Kermani, Amir Kermani, and IMulana jMazafer
Herevi.

This rare and highly interesting MS., a small
folio of 626 pages, beautifully transcribed in the

SELMAN. 129

Nastaalik character, possesses the strongest grounds
for the assumption of correctness, as the copy of one
of the poems in the collection, Jemshid and Khur-
shid, was made six years before the author's death,
and consequently before numerous copies could
have been made by different hands, with inaccu-
racies in each. The whole volume was completed
A.H. 799, and contains, besides the odes and ele-
gies, two beautiful poems by Selman, " Jemshid
" and Khurshid" and " The Ten Tales," and also
" Meher and Miishteri," by IMuhammed Assar of
Tabriz; " Humai and Humayun," by Khajui Ker-
mani, and a " Treatise on the Art of Poetry,"
by Muhammed bin Muhammed Abdul Jelil al
Omari.

Ali Kuli Khan of Daghistan, in his " Memoirs of
" the Poets," says that in consequence of a great
similarity of taste and style between Selman of
Sava and Hafiz of Shiraz, poems of the one have
been ascribed to the pen of the other, and he had
himself seen a long poem of Khajah Hafiz in a
supposed collection of Selman's works, which he
quotes at length.

CONTENTS OF COLLECTION.

K

130 SELMAN.

,1^25 S^:^ (»__»/.! Ij c? j-A^-* ^ j.^^

u
M

131

No. 9.— J AM I.

BEHAinSTAX, "THE ABODE OK SEASON OF SPRING,"

A BOOK on Ethics and Education, illustrated by
interesting anecdotes, narratives, apologues, and
aphorisms, written both in verse and prose, in imi-
tation of the Gulistan, " Rose Garden," of Sheikh
Saadi, and like it divided into eight chapters, by
Nuruddin Abdurrahman, with the "Takhalus," or
poetical title of Jami.

The author, the son of INlulana Nizamuddin
Ahmed, of Desht, was born in Jam, a small town
not far from Herat, the capital of Khorasan, a.h.
817, from whence he took the title of Jami, which
signifies a drinking cup as well as a native of Jam.

Jami was one of the most celebrated of the
modern Persian poets, and indeed by many good
judges, is considered to have surpassed the best
ancient authors. He lived in the reign of Sultan
Husein Baikara (a descendant of the great Timur),
who held his court at Herat, and being esteemed
an erudite Doctor of Muselman Law, as well as an
accomplished poet, he was caressed and honoured
by all the princes and nobles of the age in which
he lived. He dedicated one of his works, en-
titled " Irshad," " Instructions," to Muhammed IT.,

K 2

132 JAMI.

Sultan of the Turks, surnamed Al Fateh, "The
" Conqueror."

Doulat Shah, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
says that Jami commenced his career by studying
the liberal sciences, in which he attained a distin-
guished superiority over all his contemporaries.
This success, however, did not prevent him from
feeling an ardent desire to be instructed in the
mysteries and philosophy of the Sufis. He conse-
quently became a disciple of the Sheikh al Islam
Saaduddin, of Kashghar (a descendant of the holy
Bahauddin Nakshbend), and staid with him until he
was perfect master of that mystic doctrine. On
the death of the Sheikh, he succeeded to his situ-
ation, and filled his chair with such eminent perfec-
tion, that kings and princes from all quarters came
to solicit his friendship and advice, and the most
learned men of the age thronged at his door to
obtain admission to his charming and instructive
society.

About this latter period, Jami chiefly devoted
his leisure hours to the study of metaphysics and
to writing commentaries on, and explanations of the
Sufi mysticism, totally abandoning all poetical com-
positions and works of imagination, as frivolous
pursuits, unworthy of the man who contemplates
the wise laws of nature and " Great Nature's God."
He seems to have announced this determination in
the following tetrastic.

J AMI. 133

" For the future, O Jami, seal the lips of
" speech, and no longer charm your heart with
" the pleasures of imagination. Waste not a
" valuable life in poetical compositions, for of
" what importance is it, even supposing you had
" filled more pages with them ?"

As a grammarian, theologist, and poet, Jami is
allowed to be unequalled, and his compositions are
as voluminous as they are estimable. The very
enormous expense which has been incurred to adorn
and embellish fine transcripts of his works (as this
MS. and several others in my collection testify), is
not an insignificant proof of the great estimation in
which they were held by the literati of the East.

Shir Khan Ludi, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
makes him the author of ninety-nine different books
and treatises, which he says continue to be univer-
sally admired in all parts of the Eastern world,
Iran, Turan, and Hindustan.

In an account of the Persian poets, written by
Haji Li^itf Ali Azer, entitled Atesh Kedah, or "The

134 JAMI.

" Fire Altar," mention is made of a part of his com-
positions, which lie once saw bound up in a single
volume, in the handwriting of Jami himself, and
although only eighteen in number, money could not
purchase the inestimable treasure.

The collection of romances, entitled Saabah,
" The Seven," and also Heft Aurang, " The Seven
" Thrones," is considered by Haji Luft Ali to com-
bine the most exquisite compositions in the Persian
language, after the " Five Poems" of the celebrated
Nizami. These seven are, 1st. The Chain of Gold;
2nd. Selman and Absal; 3rd. The Present of the
Just; 4th. The Rosary of the Pious; 5th. The
Loves of Leili and Majnun; 6th. Joseph and Ze-
likha; 7th. The Book of Wisdom, the History of
Alexander the Great.

The grandfather of Jami, according to the " Heft
" Aklim, or Seven Climates," was an inhabitant of
Desht, near Isfahan, who, in consequence of some
unfortunate occurrences, was obliged to migrate
into Khorasan, when he settled his abode at Jam.
The same work records J ami's death as taking place
A.H. 899, whereas all other biographers assert that
he was bom a.h. 817, and died a.h. 898, a.d. 1430.
The Persians are fond of commemorating events by
a word or a sentence, the numeral letters in which
compose the date of such occurrence, and they have
shown their ingenuity in stating the age of our
poet by the word kas ( ^\^), a cup. his own title

JAMI. 135

of Jami having the same signification. Bindraban
Khush Gu says he was buried in a garden near the
Idgah, in Herat, at the age of eighty-one years, and
gives another Tarikh on his death.

" Khorasan is enveloped in the smoke of
" affliction."

This most rare and beautiful manuscript, of 134
pages, vi^ritten in the finest Nastaalik character by
the famous scribe, Muhammed Husein, who, in con-
sequence of his inimitable penmanship, obtained
the title of Zerin Kalm, or " Pen of Gold," was
transcribed at Labor for the Emperor of Hindustan,
and finished about 1575 of the Christian era.

No less than sixteen painters of the greatest
eminence contributed to the embellishment of this
beautiful volume. Five were employed upon the
illuminations and marginal arabesques, viz., Khizr,
Selman, Mukhlis, Ahmed, and Akhlas. On the
hunting scenes and animals, three, viz., Emad,
Huseini, and Ustad Babu. On coloured paintings
which illustrate the work, five, viz., JNladhii, Basa-
wan, Miskinah, Makund, and Laal; and in painting
the faces in the vignettes and margins, three, viz.,
Sindas, K'him, and Balchand.

iX^I ,J / . ^lA««KiL j] J^J

136 J AMI.

The leaves of this book are of a soft, silken
Kashmirian jmper, and of such modest shades of
greens, blues, browns, and fawn colours, as never
to offend the eye by their glare, although richly
powdered with gold. The margins, which are broad,
display a great variety of chaste and beautiful
delineations in liquid gold: no two pages being
alike. Some are divided into compartments; others
in running patterns, in all of which the illumina-
tions show the most correct and at the same time,
fanciful taste. Many are delineations of field sports,
which, although simple outlines of gold, are calcu-
lated to afford high gratification to the lover of
natural history, as well as the artist, from the
uncommon accuracy with which the forms of the
elephant, rhinoceros, buffalo, lion, tiger, leopard,
panther, Ijnx, and other Asiatic animals are pour-
trayed.

It has been admitted by competent judges, both
in India and in Persia, that, whether in point of
beautiful penmanship, pictorial illustration, splendid
embellishment, or perfect finish, this manuscript
exceeds all competition, and considering the munifi-
cent patronage existing under the princes of the
House of Timur in India, for all works of art, at
the period that this wonderful result of combined
talents was produced, a report which obtained at
Dehli some years ago, that several thousand pounds
were expended on it, may not appear so extra-
vagant.

JAMI. 137

There is a certain luxury about the finished
excellence of this manuscript that can scarcely be
described. In many parts of Persia clouds seldom
shade the rays of the eternally bright sun, and the
eyes consequently suffer much from reading in the
glare from white paper. To obviate this inconve-
nience there is not a leaf in the entire volume but
what is of a soft delicate colour, most grateful to
the sight, whilst it renders the writing of beautiful
black ink more clearly legible. In the same spirit,
the singular and beautiful arabesques on the mar-
gins of every page, although delineated in gold, yet
are so chastely executed to prevent their brightness
from obtruding on the eyes, that it is even necessary
to place them in particular lights, to admit of all
their beauties being revealed.

By his autograph on the fly leaf it appears that
Shah Jehan, Emperor of Hindustan, placed this
gem in his library in the year 1020 of the Hijra,
A.D. 1611; and a little underneath is a second auto-
graph (partly defaced) of another of the Imperial
descendants of Timur.

The following is a copy of Shah Jehan's auto-
graph.

ulLv^l .^U^ (j*^y^^ j^i aT &k^ ^SLaJI ^iU:i. ,^-i> (^^

138 J AMI.

jtf. (Sji\x »Li u)b

It will not escape the observation of the
Oriental reader of the above autograph, how much
pious reverence is shown by the royal writer in his
placing the name of " God " separately above the
lines of the paragraph, although it is of course
applicable to the word "niazmand," slave of the
temple (of God), in the third line. It will also
strike him that Shah Jehan still continued to make
use of the epoch, affected by his grandfather Akbar
in his date, before that of the JNIuselman era.

139

No. 13.— THE DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF
ODES OF SHAHL

The author, Amir Shahi, the son of Melik Jema-
luddin of Firiizkoh, and nephew of Khajah Ali
Muid, one of the Serabdal kings, was born at Sabz-
war. His society was as much sought after by the
learned and scientific world, as it was admired in
the assemblies of kings and princes, to which he
was cordially invited, and received with courteous
cheerfulness.

Shahi was remarkable for the excellence of his
memory, and for his uncommon skill in painting,
music, and calligraphy. One of his beautiful odes
is addressed to the Moghul Emperor Baber, who
sent him to make drawings of curious buildings at
Asterabad.

He was generally considered to have combined
in his poetry the fire of Amir Khusru, the delicacy
of Hasan, the wit of Kemal, and the bright diction
of Hafiz. His biographer quotes the following
specimen: —

" One bunch of roses, with their ravishing
" odour, is worth more than a garden filled with
" a hundred common shrubs and grasses."

140 SHAHI.

On the death of Shahrukh Mirza, the family and
relatives of Shahi attached themselves to his suc-
cessor, Prince Baisankar, who was so fond of the
Amir, that all his lands and possessions, which,
during the wars with the Serabdal tribes, had been
sequestered by the crown, were, through the
prince's friendship, restored to him. He thence-
forth became a more grateful and affectionate sub-
ject as well as a respected companion of royalty.

Nurullah, in his "Assemblies of the Faithful,"
says that the intimacy of Amir Shahi with the
prince received its first check, by his assuming the
poetical title of Shahi (Royal), which being a Shiaa,
descended from Ali (Shah i valayet), he conceived
himself entitled to adopt. Baisankar told him one
day to place another title to his works instead of
Shahi, and it is supposed that the poet's declining
to do so, offended the prince, and induced the fol-
lowing occurrence, which disgusted him with the
life of a courtier. It appears that his father, Melik
Jemaluddin, had seized an opportunity, on a hunting
party, to stab a man of his own tribe of Serabdal,
and it so happened that when Amir Shahi accom-
panied the prince on a similar excursion, the royal
train had separated from their master in pursuit of
the game, and left him alone with the Amir. The
prince in an imprudent and abrupt manner observed
to Shahi, that it was of such an occasion that his
father profited when he killed the Serabdal in an

SHAHI. 141

unmanly way. This unprovoked observation deeply
offended the Amir, who coldly replied, that a
son could not listen to the condemnation of his
father's conduct. He instantly retired from the
field, and never visited the court any more.

In the " Seven Climates," Heft Aklim, Shahi is
denominated *' Prince of the Throne of Eloquence,
" and King of the Legion of Literary Knowledge,"
and it is stated that his odes contain about one
thousand couplets, all written in the most polished
style of versification.

One of his royal friends, on some occasion, gave
Shahi precedence over all his other guests, on which
the poet composed some extemporaneous couplets*
expressive of his astonishment at the unexpected
and unmerited honour, but pretending that the act,
on the part of the King, was simply a witticism, as
described in the last couplet.

" Thy assembly, O King, is a sea of munifi-
" cence, and in that sea there is this seeming
" contradiction, that valuable pearls are at the
" bottom, whilst light chaff floats to the top."

The author of the Habib us seir (Geiathuddin)
relates, from what he considers good authority, that
Amir Shahi composed twelve thousand couplets,
but selected one thousand only for his Diwan, and
washed out all the rest.

142 SHAHI.

Shalii lived upwards of seventy years, and died
at Asterabad, a.h. 859, a.d. 1454. In pursuance of
directions in his will, his body was transported to
Sabzwar, his native city, and interred there near the
Nishaj^ur Gate.

Khajah Ouhad of Sabzwar, in an elegy which he
comiDosed on the death of "this courser on the
" plains of Eloquence and Poetry," gives the follow-
ing couplet: —

" Tell them to wash with tears, and fill with
" sighs the valleys and high places of Sabzwar !
" For what else can the city of a king do, when a
" king (Shahi) no longer adorns it?"

This volume of 71 pages is transcribed in a
beautiful Nastaalik character, with illuminated title-
pages, and ruled with gold lines throughout.

143

No. 14.— HATIFI.

The Heft Menzer, " Seven Faces," composed by-
Abdullah Hatifi, as a parody upon the " Heft
" Peiker" of Sheikh Nizami, gives, like its proto-
type, a history of the Persian king, Behram Ghur,
the son of Yezdijird, and his seven pavilions, with
their respective beautiful mistresses.

The author, JMulana Abdullah, with the poetical
title of Hatifi, was the sister's son of the celebrated
Abdurrahman Jami, and like him a native of Jam
in Khorasan.

Although in every way an eminent poet, he was
more inclined to romance and the epic style than to
lyric poetry. He composed five books in imitation
of the Khemseh of Nizami, but previously to the
execution of this difficult attempt, he consulted his
uncle Jami on the subject, who wished, in vain, to
dissuade him from the undertaking. He, however,
succeeded in obtaining from his nephew a promise
of not commencing his proposed composition until
he had given him a specimen of his ability. For this
trial of his poetic skill, Jami made choice of the
fine satire in which the indignant Ferdusi vented
his just rage against Shah Mahmud of Ghazni, of
which he required a parody from the pen of Hatifi.
This task was so ingeniously executed by the young

144 HATIFI.

poet, that after much applause Jami permitted him
to prosecute his intentions.

Hatifi built a residence for himself in a garden
near the village of Jam, where he passed the
greatest part of his time in seclusion and study.

In A.H. 921, Shah Ismail Sefevi, after his con-
quest of Khorasan, when returning to Irak, stopped
to visit the tomb of the famous Shah Kasim al An-
war, situated near the garden of Hatifi. On passing
the gate of the garden, which he found locked, a
fancy seized him of visiting the poet, which he was
enabled to do by means of an impending branch
of a tree, which assisted him in climbing over the
wall, without waiting for the gate being opened.
Hatifi, with hospitable respect, immediately ap-
proached the King, and invited him to his dwelling,
who accepted the invitation with grateful conde-
scension, and seated himself on the humble carpet
of the poet with royal and gracious courtesy. He
also ate without ceremony what was set before him,
and then solicited his host to charm him with some
of his poetical effusions. Duly appreciating and
applauding his wonderful talent, the King requested
Hatifi to celebrate in verse his recent conquests in
Khorasan. The poet placed the hand of assent on
the eyes of devotedness, and lived to finish a thou-
sand couplets, when the book of his life was closed
by the fingers of death.

Abdullah Hatifi died in a.h. 927, a.d. 1520, and

HATIFI. 145

was buried in the garden, which, when living, he
adorned.

The contemporaries of Hatifi are all of the same
opinion that in the sweetness of his poetry he sur-
passed all competitors.

This beautiful MS. was transcribed in the finest
Nastaalik character by the celebrated scribe Shtih
Muhammed of Xishapur, a.h. 946, a.d. 1539, which
being only nineteen years after the author's death,
carries with it the strongest probability of its being
a correct copy, and free from interpolations. It
consists of 180 pages, powdered with gold, and is
adorned with an illuminated title-page, ruled gold
lines, and eight miniature paintings.

140

No. 16.— A COLLECTION OF FIVE POEMS AND
ROMANCES, BY AMIR KHUSRU.

Amir Khusru, the very Prince of Sufi poets, or
King (as his poetical title of Khi^isru implies), was
of Tatar origin, of the tribe of Hazarah Lachin,
from Kesh, near Balkh. His father, Amir Seifud-
din, in the reign of Chengiz Khan, left Mavar al
Neher, came to Hindustan, and settled at Patiali,
near Dehli, where he married the daughter of Amad
ul Mulk, a great noble, through whose influence he
obtained preferment at the Court of Tughluk Shah
in Dehli.

Amir Khusru was the illustrious offspring of
this marriage. Immediately after his birth, a.h.
651, A.D. 1253, his father, wrapping him in Ids
cloak, took him to a holy Sheikh, before whom he
exposed him. When the devout Fakfr looked on
the child for some time, he said, "Thou hast
" brought a person to me, who will, in fame, step
" two paces beyond the great Khakani."

At a very early age, Khiisru displayed an un-
common genius, a strong disposition for study, and
an aptitude for the acquirement of every science
and even art, such as seldom has been witnessed :
the consequence of which was that he met with
the highest distinction in the assemblies of princes.

AMIR KHUSRU. 147

of nobles, and of learned men. He studied the
Siifi philosophy under the celebrated Sheikh Ni-
zamuddin Auliah of Dehli, who was delighted with
his proficiency, and predicted unequalled fame for
his pupil.

On presenting and dedicating his poem, *' The
" Nine Heavens," to Sultan Kutbuddin, the son of
Aulauddin Khilji, Amir Khiisru received, from that
generous prince, the weight of an elejihant in gold,
which munificence he duly celebrated in a poetical
jianegyric.

Amir Seifuddin having been killed in an affray
with the Marhatta idolaters, Khusru succeeded to
his appointments at Court, but ultimately retired
from all worldly pursuits, and gave himself up to
the cultivation of poetry, science, and philosophy.
But, however assiduously he devoted his time to
learning and abstruse study, he did not disdain to
make himself completely master of the fascinating
science of music.

An anecdote is related of him, when addressed
by a professional musician, urging him to admit the
great superiority of music over the poetry which it
accompanied. Khusru replied to him with great
good humour and wit, allowing due merit to the
enchanting power of melody, and although he
could not agree with the singer, that his music went
as well with a simple Hah, Hah, or Hiih, Huh, as
if chanted with poetry, he ultimately satisfied him

L 2

148 AMIR KHUSRU.

that poetry was superior to music, by tlie concluding
stanza.

" Consider poetry as a bride, and music as
"her ornaments and jewels; yet, if the bride
" be beautiful, it is not a fault if she be even
" divested of ornaments and jewels."

lA;^.V *^J ^ eJ^^ ts-^^/^ 3^^^^ br^^

Khusru's fame was so well known over all parts
of Asia, that, according to Sheikh Azeri, in his
"Juaher al Asrar, or Jewels of (Suh) Secrets," the
celebrated Sheikh Saadi of Shiraz, at a very ad-
vanced age, left his native city to enjoy the society
of Amir Khusru in the capital of Hindiistan; and
it is scarcely necessary to add how much the latter
considered himself honoured and distinguished by
the visit of such an eminent poet and Sufi, who
undertook a long and severe journey in his old age,
such as would have deterred a traveller in the
prime of youth.

According to the " Heft Aklim, or Seven Cli^
" mates," Khusru composed ninety-nine different
works, but there is no list given. The " Khemseh,"
or " Five Poems," contains eighteen thousand
couplets, " Ishkiah, on Divine Love," four thousand,
*' Koran as Saadein, or Conjunction of the two

AMIR KHUSRU. 149

" fortunate Planets," three thousand, and "Tiighliik
" Nameh, or History of Tughluk Shah," three thou-
sand; he also composed four voluminous Diwans
on the four seasons of man's life.

Sultan Baisankar attempted to make a complete
collection of Amir Klmsru's poetical compositions,
but after getting together upwards of 220,000
couplets, and still finding more coming in from
different quarters, he gave up his intention in de-
spair. From a letter of the poet himself, it ap])ears
that his compositions exceed 400,000 couplets, but
do not reach 500,000.

Amir Khusni was in the service of seven dif-
ferent Kings. One was Sultan Gheiatlmddin Bal-
ban, whose son. Sultan Muhammed Kaan, Chief of
Multan, was put to death by some invading Tatars,
who took Khiisrii prisoner with them to Balkh, and
kept him confined there for two years. On his
release and return to Sultan Balban at Dehli, he
recited in his presence an elegy which he had com-
posed on the murder of Sultan INIuhammed, which
affected the whole assembly to tears. The Sultan
himself wept so bitterly that a fever ensued, which
carried him off in a few days.

Another King was Sultan jSIoazuddin Keikobad;
another, Sultan Jelaluddin Firuz Shah; a fourth,
Sultan Aulauddin; another. Sultan Kutbuddin; a
sixth, Sultan Gheiathuddin Tiighluk Shah; and the
seventh, Sultan Muhammed, who ascended the
throne a.h. 715, a.d. 1315.

150 AMIR KHUSRU.

Khusru died at an advanced age, and was trans-
lated to a better world than that which he had so
long adorned. He was buried at Dehli, a.h. 725,
A.D. 1324, near the tomb of his friend and teacher,
Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliah, whose death he had
long sincerely deplored, in the cemetery of Sheikh
Ferid Shakarganj.

The Keran as Saadein was composed in praise
of an event of strange occurrence in the East,
Moazuddin Keikobad, who was much beloved by
his grandfather, Sultan Gheiathuddin Balban, and
constantly lived with him at the Court of Dehli,
was placed by him on the throne a little time before
the Sultan's death, although his father, Baghra
Khan, was alive, and the natural heir to the mon-
archy. At the j)eriod of his father's death, Baghra
Khan was Governor of Bengal, and on hearing the
astounding intelligence that his son Moazuddin,
instead of himself, had ascended the throne, he
marched a large army from his seat of government
to recover his rights. Moazuddin also marched out
of Dehli with the Imperial forces, to meet and dis-
pute the empire with his father. The two armies
met at Oudh, on the banks of the Ghagra, where, after
some skirmishing, matters were amicably arranged,
the father, Baghra Khan, retaining the Govern-
ment of Bengal, and the son, Moazuddin Keiko-
bad, being recognized by his father as his Sovereign.
Prayers were read for Sultan Moazuddin, and coins
struck in his name, when his fatlier with Ijis own

AMIR KHUSRU. 151

hands placed him on the throne at Dehli. Tliis
affectionate conclusion of an occurrence which
might have had such tragical consequences was
celebrated by Amir Khiisru in most eloquent versifi-
cation, in the Keran as Saadein, or " Conjunction of
"the two fortunate Planets."

In addition to the compositions of Amir Khiisrfj,
mentioned by Amin Ahmed of Rei, author of the
" Seven Climates," we know of the following
works : — " The Romance of Khezr Khan and Dul
" Rani;" "The Nine Spheres, or Heavens," in verse;
and " The Praises of Hindustan ;" " A History of
" Dehli;" a "Treatise on the Science of jNIusic;"
and many others on different subjects in prose.

Shir Khan Ludi, in his memoirs entitled "Mirat
" al Khial, or JNIirror of Fancy," mentions the in-
genuity of Khiisru in composing verses in which a
j)articular word may be read with several different
meanings, and quotes some lines where the Persian
word "Bar" bears seven interpretations: this re-
calls to my recollection a poetical witticism which I
heard at Dehli, the birth-place of Khiisru, in which
he introduced words that bear different meanings,
if read as Persian, or as Hindustani.

J».j <i:^ t_/^i'j '^'■v^ L<>.A^ f^Aj

162 AMIR KHUSRU.

If read as Persian, —

" I went for recreation to the banks of a
" rivulet, where a lovely Hindu lady, with locks
" dishevelled, was performing her ablutions. I
" said, O beauteous idol ! what may be the price
" of thy ringlets ? She disdainfully answered, A
" pearl for every hair."

If read as Hindustani, the lady's answer, instead
of " a pearl for every hair," would be,

" Begone, begone, thou impudent fellow !"

Grief for the death of friends and relatives,
whose tombs Amir Khiisru was visiting, produced
the following extemporaneous effusion, fresh from
his heart : —

" T went to the cemetery, and wept bitterly
" for the absence of friends, now the captives of
" non-existence. Where are they ? said I, in
" sadness, those dear friends of my heart ; when
" a voice from the graves softly repeated, 'Where
" 'are they?'"

Jy-

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J^> "J^

S.<. iSy^ ^XSj

AJ«>-2> iXi

^/.A«)

A J /, ^Laaw^^ ».2^4> /!

^i> HjAsj:^ *.

xif ^

=»- iXjjvi;

LsvT -^^Lio^

iXJiXi; L^^

6l-.'.

1 ^r ^.\^.

s. !wVa£> )\ j!4>

AMIR KHUSRU. 153

This volume contains the following five poems,
parodies of those in the Khemseh of Nizami, viz.: —

1. Matlaa al Anwar, or the Appearance of
Lights, a treatise on the Sufi doctrine, a parody on
the " Treasury of Secrets" of Nizami.

2. Shirm and Khusru, on the " Khusru and
"Shirin"of Nizami.

3. Mejnun and Leili, on the " Leili and Maj-
" nun" of Nizami.

4. Hesht Behisht, or the Eight Paradises, on
the " Heft Peiker, or Seven Images," of Nizami.

5. Aineh Iskanderi, or the Mirror of Alex-
ander, on the " History of Alexander," by Nizami,

This beautiful and magnificent MS. of 480
pages was transcribed in a fine and delicate Nastaa-
lik character, a.h. 920, a.d. 1514, and is richly
ornamented with illuminated title-pages, gold
lines, &:c.

164

No. 19.— THE DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF
ODES OF ZEHIRUDDIN FARIABL

Zehiruddin Tahir, the son of Mahmud, originally
from Fariab (hence his Takhalus, or poetical title),
was a scholar and a gentleman, as well as an emi-
nent poet. Many good judges have asserted that,
in delicacy of fancy and freshness of diction, he
excelled the great Anvari, which, being disputed by
others, a reference was made to Khajah Mejduddin
Hamgar Farsi, to decide upon their respective
merits, who delivered his opinion that the language
of Anvari surpassed that of Fariabi in depth of
erudition, but that in all the other essentials of a
poet, the latter was unequalled.

Zehiruddin was the pupil of Rashidi of Samar-
kand, the author of " Meher and Wafa." In the
reign of Atabeg Kizl Arskin, the son of Atabeg
Ildegiz, he came into Azerbaijan and Irak, and sung
the praises of that prince. On leaving Fariab,
however, he went to Nishapur, which was then
governed by Toglian Shah, of the Siljukian race of
kings, who took him under his protection and
favour. One of his best kasidehs (panegyrics) and
analogous to the subject, was composed in praise of
that monarch on his going to visit the Turquoise
(Firuzeh) mines in that province.

ZEHIR FARIABI. 155

From Nishapur he journeyed to Isfahan, \vhere
Sadruddin Abdullatif of Khejend was supreme
Kiizi, and high in dignity. Zehir waited upon him,
and after making his salam, modestly took a distant
seat. A considerable time elapsed, when finding
that the Kazi took no notice of him, Zeliir became
irritated, wrote impromptu a severe epigram, and
placing it in the hands of the Kazi, retired from the
assembly. The Kazi, ashamed of his neglect of so
eminent a visitor, offered every amends in his
power, but the indignant poet refused all attempt
at accommodation, and proceeded to Azerbaijan,
where he was received most honourably, and treated
with the greatest kindness by Atabeg Mazaferuddin
Muhammed, with whom he lived for a period of
ten years, and after his death with Atabeg Kizl
Arslcin, his successor.

The king's brother, Atabeg Nasratuddin Abu-
bekr, who admired Fariabi very much, after some
time contrived to inveigle him away from Klzl
Arslan ; the king, in revenge, took a rival poet,
Majiruddin into favour, giving him every week
fresh dresses of honour of silk and brocades, which,
however, Zehir sneered at thus: —

" If with fine and magnificent dresses, a
" common man may become a respectable person,
" then dress a wolf in satin, an alligator in
" Abbasi."

156 ZEHIR FARIABI.

In respect to the excellence of Zehir's poetry,
the learned have said,

" If you find the Diwan of Zehir Fariabi even
" in the lioly Kaabah, hesitate not to steal it."

At length Zehir became weary of a court life,
and retired to a quiet residence in Tabriz, where he
remained until his death, a.h., 598, a.d. 1201,
absorbed in the cultivation of science, literature,
and piety. He was buried in the Surkhab at Ta-
briz, by the side of Khakani.

Majiruddin Bilkhani, Kamaluddin Nakhjuvani,
Sherfuddin Muhammed Isfahani, and Jouheri Zer-
gar, were his contemporaries.

This scarce and valuable manuscript of 232
pages was transcribed, a.h. 1015, a.d. IG06, in a fine
Nastaalik character, with illuminated titie-jDages
and gold lines, &c.

157

No. 20. -KHAKANI.

TOHFAT AL IRAKEIX, OR A "PRESENT FROM THE TWO IRAKS."

Afzaluddin Ibrahim, with the poetical title of
Khakcini, was born in Shirwan. He arrived at
such a height of excellence in the Siifi philosophy,
in science, and in poetry, that his society was
courted by princes and his talents admired by all
learned men. His dignity of demeanour excited
universal respect and esteem, whilst his kindness
and benevolence inspired the affection and gratitude
of those who had the happiness of being known to
him.

The Khakan Manucheher Shirwan Shah was
his patron ; and, for one poem in his praise, pre-
sented Khakani with the munificent gift of a thou-
sand golden dinars, besides in other modes favour-
ing him with high distinction and royal bounty.
His Takhaliis, or poetical title, had been Hakaiki
hitherto, but to mark his gratitude for the Khakan's
generous conduct he adopted that of Khakani.

Presuming, possibly, on the king's familiarity
and kindness, he on one occasion sent the following
lines to him : —

158 KHAKANI.

" Bestow on me a warm vest, in whicli I can
" wrap up my breast, or a fair slave whom I can
" fold to my bosom."

(The play on the words weshek and weshak
must of course be lost to the English reader.)

When the Khakan perused this couplet he
was enraged at the doubt cast upon his generosity
by the word or, which he thought implied that he
would only grant one of his requests instead of both
vest and slave, and yielding to a passionate feeling
of offended dignity, he sent an order to Khakani to
prepare for condign punishment. The poet with
great ingenuity seized a fly, cut off his wings and
feet in the presence of the king's messenger, and
sent him back with the dismembered fly and the
following message. "I wrote the word withl,
" not the unhappy word or l,, but this naughty fly
" alighted on the dot of the ba (with) whilst the
" ink was yet wet, and with its feet extended it so
" as to make it a double dot ya (or), otherwise it
" would have been, as I originally intended it should
" be, confident in your majesty's usual generosity,
" a request for both vest and slave."

This apology was kindly received, and the poet
continued in the highest favour with his sovereign
ever after, until, weary of the life of a courtier, he
intimated his wish to retire to a more humble and
quiet resting-place. This, however, displeased the

KHAKANI. 159

Emperor so mucli, that he kept him in prison for
seven months, and only released him on Kha-
kani's pleading an urgent intention of performing
a pilgrimage to JNIecca. It was on this long
journey, through the two countries of Persian and
Arabian Irak, that he composed the volume now
in review.

Khakani was a most eloquent orator and a
sublime poet, so that his learned countrymen gave
him the title of ^:s\xn , . .1**-*, Hassan al Aajem,
" The Ornament of Persia," to which he alludes in
the above work.

" When they conceived that I was perfect in
" science, they honoured me with the title of
" 'The Ornament of Persia.' "

In generosity and benevolence Khakani was
unrivalled ; the rich and the poor were equally
objects of his love and kindness. Several eminent
l^oets celebrated his praises ; amongst otiiers Muj-
duddin Khalil, Hakaik, Ahmed Sabi, Abulfazail
Imam Nejmuddin Ahmed, and Khakan Manu-
cheher.

This great poet died a.h. 582, a.d. 1 186, accord-

160

KHAKANI.

ing to many authorities, although Khandamir gives
him a longer life. His tomb is in the Surkhab of
Tabriz, between the graves of Zehiruddin Fariabi
and Shahpiir of Nisliapur.

This manuscript was transcribed a.h. 1209, a.d.
1794.

161

No. 35. — i^^y l.j^_^ /. ^^^^

"THE DIWAN OF MULANA MUHAMMED
REZA NOUI,"

cOMPRisiNa ins odes, klkgiks, Axn tktkastics.

The following is considered by his biographers as a
fair specimen of Noui's sweet poetry.

" The neighing of Khusrii's celebrated courser,
Shebdiz, was delightful to the ears of
Shirin,

" But did not excite such exquisite pleasure
as the ringing sound of Farhad's axe."

This manuscript of 257 pages was transcribed
at Agrah, a.h. 1028, a.d. 1618, only nine years after
the death of the author.

From seals and autographs on the fly leaf, it
appears that this little volume has been in the pos-
session of some illustrious and eminent personages.
The first is an autograph of the Moghul Emperor
Aalemgir, written and sealed when he was Prince

M

162

REZA NOUI.

Aurangzib, that " this Divan was on the 12th of the
" month Arclebehisht placed in the library of the
" slave of the temple of God, Aurangzib, the son of
" Shah Jehan, Emperor."

The next is the seal of the Prince Muhammed
Murad Bakhsh, brother of Aurangzib.

Tlien is affixed the seal and autograph of the
Rajah Anandaram, the former describing him as
" Anandaram, the slave of the Emperor Muhammed
" Shah, defender of the faith."

The autograph is as follows.

" The two or three lines above are the auto-
" graph of the saintly personage, whose residence
" is paradise, the Emperor Aalemgir, written
" when he was a Prince."

The last is " written by Anandaram Mukhlis,"
for the Rajah was himself a poet, and assumed the
poetical title of " Mukhlis."

163

No. 73.— "THE BURNING AND CONSUMING."

BY THE SAMK AUTHOR AS THF, LAST.

A MOST affecting romance, composed on the true
and tragical event of a lovely Hindu princess, who,
in the prime of youth and beauty, became a Sati,
that is, burned herself on the funeral pyre with her
deceased husband.

The author of this beautiful poem, Mulana Mu-
hammed Reza, was the son of a respectable mer-
chant at Khabiishan, near the holy city of Meshed.
At an early age he travelled with his father from
his birth-place to Kashan, where he became the
disciple of " Persia's Pride," IVlulanti JNIuhteshim;
with him he imbibed an ardent love of poetry, and
in listening to his beautiful effusions he himself
acquired so great a proficiency in the delightful art
of stringing the pearls of poesy, as to become the
favourite pupil and most esteemed companion of his
instructor.

From Kashan, Muhammed Reza travelled into
Khorasan, and after a short sojourn at Nishapur
and Abiverd, went to Marv, where Nur Muhammed
Khan, the governor, took an extraordinary degree
of interest in him; for, being nearly of the same
age (about twenty), of similar pursuits and habits,

M 2

1C4 REZA NOUI.

and of equally ingenuous dispositions, a strong and
affectionate friendship was the result of their ac-
quaintance, Mhich continued until the invasion of
JNIarv by Abdullah Khan, the Wali of Tiiran, when
they departed in different directions ; the poet, for a
short period to Khorasan, and Niir Muhammed Khan
to Irak, to seek the protection of Shah Abbas.

At length Noui (for such was his poetical title)
commenced a journey towards Hindustan, in com-
pany with a friend named Mir Husein Kuferi, and
on reaching Labor, where he rested from the
fatigues of travelling, was presented to the notice
and kindness of Seyed Ziauddin and Mirza Yusef
Khan Meshedi, but indulging too freely in the
pleasures of the table and the charming society of
dissipated youths, with his friend Ilusein Kuferi, he
incurred the censure of the wise and virtuous
JMoghul emperor, Akber.

Noui departed from Labor to visit the Dek'han,
where his fame as a poet having preceded him, he
was at once taken into the service of the great
Kh;'in i Khanan, who not only received him most
kindly, but presented him under very favourable
colours to the Emperor's son. Prince Danial, who
was wonderfully delighted with his society and
amiable manners. It was to this Prince that the
interesting poem of " The Burning and Consuming"
was dedicated ; the force and the passionate fire of
his expressions quite fascinated his royal patron,

REZA NOUI. 165

who often repeated the following stanza of the
tragic conclusion of the sad tale: —

*' With such devoted love and enthusiasm did
" she ascend the blazing throne, that the devour-
" ing element, subdued by her heroism, seemed
" to shrink from injuring her."

Although Noui was elevated to the Prince's
service, he never forgot his obligations to the Khan i
Khanan, in whose praise he composed several
poems, and particularly a Saki Nameh (Ode to the
Cup Bearer), for which he was presented with ten
thousand rupees, an elephant, and a horse in superb
harness. The author of the " Zekhireh al Khuanin"
declares that Noui received at various periods from
the Khan i Khanan altogether gifts fully equivalent
to his weight in gold. He seems to allude to this
generous munificence in one of his subsequent
poems.

" From thy bounty has Noui received more

" wealth than flowed from the treasury of Sultan

" Sanjour or Mir Moazi."

166 REZA NOUI.

Noiii was a very sweet poet, and obtained great
fame from his " Elegies." His Diwan, called " Lub
al b;ib," is not large, but his Kasidehs and other
poems are numerous.

After tlie death of Prince Danial he continued
at Burhanpur, and re-entered the service of his old
friend the Khan i Khanan, who succeeded the Prince
as Subahdar of the Dek'han, and gave him the
same royal allowance as he had received from the
Prince, and added to it considerable appointments
and presents from himself.

Mulana Noui died a.h. 1019, a.d. 1610, and
was buried at Burhanpur in the Dek'han.

This beautiful manuscript of 42 pages was tran-
scribed in a fine Nastaalik character, within lines of
ultramarine and gold on paper powdered with gold,
by the celebrated scribe Abdul Rashid Deilemi,
A.H. 995, A.D. 1586.

This precious volume has a double title-page
richly illuminated, and its having been copied
during the lifetime of the author, gives us an
assurance of its being correct and free from inter-
polations.

167

No. 37.— AAKIL KHAN.

" THE TAPER AND THE MOTH."

This aifecting love tale, the subject taken from the
original Hindi Poem of Rai Batan Sein and the
beautiful Pedm, was composed in fine Persian verse
by Navab Aakil Khan.

Mir Askeri vras a Seyed of a distinguished
family in Khiiaf, who afterwards became, on visiting
Hindi^istan, a noble at the court of the Emperor
Aalemgir, under the title of Navab Aakil Khan.

Aurangzib, before he mounted the throne as
Aalemgir, was much addicted to the pleasures of
the chase. Amongst his numerous followers, there
was one youth, much loved by the Prince, who was
particularly fortunate in obtaining a complete know-
ledge of his royal master's disposition, and in con-
tributing to his enjoyment by his witticisms, his
lively sallies, and above all, by his poetical talent,
specimens of which he daily varied according to the
peculiar state of the Prince's mind and feelings,
which he discovered wdth great tact.

It so happened that this ingenious young poet
was prematurely snatched from an admiring w^orld

168 AAKIL KHAN.

by the decree of an inscrutable Providence, an event
which filled the heart of his royal friend with deep
affliction. The following day, however, he rode out
hunting as usual; his retinue soon dispersed about
the plain in pursuit of game, when Navab Aakil
Khan, in the boldness of his nature, seized the
opportunity of the Prince being alone, to ask him,
" sighing and suffering as he was for the recent loss
" of his lamented adherent, on what principle he
" could ride out and seek the charm of the chase?"
Aurangzib replied in verse, that " secret grief and
" lonely affliction and mourning relieved not his
" mind, nor afforded consolation to his heart, at all
" equal to the cries of the hounds, the flights of the
" falcons, the cheers of the pursuing hunters, and,
" above all, the glorious sunshine which illumined
" the expanse of endless forest with magic por-
" traiture."

The Navab was not satisfied with the excuse for
what he conceived to be cold indifference, and
extempore repeated the following couplet.

" How sweet is love! how bitter is the sigh!
" how distressing is absence! But alas! how
" easily is the beloved reconciled to it!"

AAKIL KHAN. 169

The Prince, much to liis credit, was not offended
at Aakil Khan's reproach, although deeply affected,
and after some time, coming to himself, he asked
by whom the interesting couplet was composed?
Aakil Khan said, " By one who does not wish to be
" known as a poet by his Prince." Aurangzib smiled,
and repeated the verse until he got it by heart, and
from that day the Navab rose in his favour so much
as by degrees to have a Mansab, or appointment of
four hundred horse, and subsequently even still
higher honours.

Shir Khan Ludi, in his Memoirs of the Poets,
says, that to do justice to the charms of Aakil
Khan's poetry, it should be written with a pen
made from the stalk of the graceful narcissus, ink
drawn from the black spot in the heart of the tulip,
the red ink from the blush of the damask rose, and
the descriptive discourse should be the soft warbling
of the delightful nightingale.

Navab Aakil Khan also composed a collection
of odes under the poetical title of Razi, and a beau-
tiful poem in answer to a composition of Zibulnissa-
begam, the daughter of the Emperor Aalemgir, who
learned the art of poetry from the celebrated Mulla
Muhammed Saaid Ashraf of Mazinderan.

In the Memoirs of the Poets, by Sirajuddin Ali
Arzu, Aakil Khan, it appears, although raised to the
highest honours by the Emperor, was easily offended,
and cared so little for the great offices conferred

170 AAKIL KHAN.

upon him, that more than once he resigned them
all with an indifference almost amounting to dis-
gust. But the Emperor's affection for him induced
a refusal of his resignation, and he died at Dehli at
length, in the office of its Governor, which he had
held for many years.

This manuscript, of 168 pages, is transcribed in
a fair Nastaalik character, between blue and gold
lines, with illuminated title-page.

171

No. 38.— A DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF ODES
BY SHEIKH FEIZI.

Feizi wa8 the son of Sheikh JNIabarak, and brother
of the learned and eminent Abulfazal, author of
the Ayin Akberi, or " Regulations of the Emperor
Akber." Haji Lutf Ali, in his Atesh Kedah (Fire
Temple), gives the Dek'han as his birth-place, but
the author of Heft Aklim says, perhaps more truly,
that he was born at Agrah. His ancestors ori-
ginally came from Yemen (Arabia Felix), and first
settled at Ril, in Sistan. One of their descendants,
Sheikh Khizr, made the pilgrimage to Mecca, and
returning by Hindiistan, sojourned for some time at
Nagor, from whence he proceeded to Ajmir for the
purpose of studying under the learned Yehia of
Bokhara. Khizr's son, Mabarak, was born at
Nagor, and even in his fourteenth year astonished
his friends with his learning and talents.

In the year 950 of the Hijra, a.d. 1543, Sheikh
Mabarak took up his residence at Agrah, when the
Afghan Kings Shir Shah and Selim Shah courted
him in vain to enter their service. He passed the
remainder of his life at Agrah in study and devotion,
and in writing commentaries on the Koran.

Sheikh Mabarak died a.h. 1001, a.d. 1592,

1 72 FEIZI.

leaving six sons. The eldest was Sheikh Feizi ; the
second, Abulfazal; the third, Abulkheir; the fourth,
Abulbarkat; the fifth, Abulamin; and the sixth,
Abul Hasan.

As Feizi was born a.h. 954, a.d. 1547, four
years after his father Sheikh Mabarak left Nagor
to settle at Agrah, it appears almost certain that
he was born in the latter city. He studied under
his father with such success as to become the
wonder of India in his fifteenth year ; from which
period he so increased his stock of learning, science,
and knowledge, that at length reports of his won-
derful acquirements reached the ears of one capable
of appreciating such excellence — the Moghul Em-
peror Akber — who called him to his presence, and
ere long created him Melik as Shoara (Poet Lau-
reat), to which he added many other honourable
and lucrative appointments. He became also in-
structor of the young princes ; yet with all his
duties and services of various descriptions, he always
contrived to relax his mind with the charms of
poetry, and to enjoy the society of kindred souls.

Biudraban Khush Gu, who was intimately ac-
quainted with Feizi, declares that, notwithstanding
his long experience of mankind, he never yet saw
the equal of this wonderful and most perfect man
and poet.

The author of the Mather Rehimi, who was
also contemporary with Feizi, asserts that, except

FEIZI. 173

Amir Khusrii, no person in Hindustan ever came
up to the perfection of poetry, science, and learning,
so as to bear comparison with Feizi. Both young
and old poets from Iran, Khorasan, and other dis-
tant countries, journeyed to India that they might
benefit by the society, conversation, and instruction
of this unequalled personage ; so that Labor, which
at that period was the " seat of royalty," might well
have been denominated the " seat of poets."

Sheikh Feizi, on visiting the Dek'han, con-
ferred favours and benefits upon all avIio merited
his benevolence, and whilst there, formed friend-
ships with Mulana Zalmri, Malih Komi, Heider
Zeheni, and others, in learned conversations, with
whom he displayed his astonishing acquirements
and charming manners. For he was not only an
eminent poet, but was well versed in the Sufi
philosophy and in the doctrine and mythology of
the Hindus.

Feizi collected a valuable library of twelve
thousand volumes, Arabic and Pei-sian, many of
them in the autographs of the authors. He com-
posed several works in both those languages, and
translated into Persian the celebrated epic poem of
the Mahabharat from the Sanscrit language, as well
as a book on arithmetic, entitled Lilawati. Two of
his compositions, " Muarid al Kalm," and a com-
mentary on the Koran, " Suateh al Illiam," are
written with the letters of the alphabet that require

1 74 FEIZI.

no points, wliicli is considered a most wonderful
undertaking by the best scholars of the age.

Feizi's Diwan contains about nine thousand
couplets in odes, idyls, elegies, epigrams, and qua-
trains, with a learned preface ; and his brother.
Sheikh Abulfazal, states that he had destroyed up-
wards of fifty thousand more, the work of his
earlier years.

Having been requested by the Emperor Ak-
ber to write parodies of the "Five Poems" of
Nizami, he composed the " Markezi Advar"
in imitation of the " JMakhzen al Asrar," or Trea-
sury of Secrets, and " Nal va Daman," a beau-
tiful Hindi romance, in the metre and style of
" Leili and Majnun." He also commenced the
tale of "Siiliman and Bilkis" for " Khusru and
Shirin," "Heft Kishwar" for the "Heft Peiker,"
and "AkberNameh" for the " Sikander Nameh,"
but did not live to finish them. The latter poem
he had intended to have written in pure Persian,
like Ferdusi's Shah Nameh, without any admixture
of Arabic or Turkish, which his great learning
would have enabled him to perform satisfactorily,
but death stopped his pen.

Sheikh Feizi, one day on the line of march, felt
the approach of death, and immediately sent a
message to the Emperor, that " the materials of
" which he was formed would on the morrow be
" decomposed," and prayed him to allow his younger

FEIZI. 175

brother to come to him instead of accompanying
His Majesty to the chase. When Akber heard
these melancholy tidings, he put oif his hunting
expedition altogether, for the purpose of attending
at the pillow of his much-valued friend and servant.
Feizi, even in his then dying state, felt this gene-
rous act of royal kindness, and composed a tetrastic
in gratitude for it as sublime and beautiful (although
improm])tu) as any of his best productions.

This incomparable man died a.h. 1004, a.d.
1595, and was buried at Agrah.

The Diwan of Feizi, a M.S. of 349 pages, is
written in a clean Nastaalik character, with an
illuminated title-page, and is dedicated in the pre-
face to the Emperor Akber.

176

No. 43.-THE DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF
ODES BY TALIB.

The author of these poems, Muhammed Talib,
was born at Anial, in Mazinderan, and M'as con-
sidered one of the most celebrated poets of the age
in which he lived ; Saib of Tabriz even ceding
the superiority to him, although some few give the
palm to Zehuri.

Bindraban Khush Gu, in his Memoirs, says that
in the course of his perusal of numerous poetical
works, those of Khajui of Kerman and Talib of
Amal strike him as the most perfect and delightful.
The one obtained the title of the " Fruit-gatherer of
" Poetry," the other " The Nightingale of Amal."
The latter unites the sweetness of song with the
Attic salt of true poetry.

Having finished his education at Amal, Talib
journeyed to the court of the Emperor of Hindiistan,
Jehangir, then a munificent patron of talent of
every description, where his w^onderful attainments
were quickly discovered and duly appreciated. His
contemporary poets voluntarily conferred on him
the title of Ustad (Master), and the King appointed
him Melik as Shoara (Poet Laureat), as well as a
noble of hisfh rank. He would have created him

TALtB. 177

Lord Privy Seal, but the poet modestly declined
this high honour. In a poem which accompanied
his refusal is the following play of words between
meher (love) and moher (a seal), both spelt alike in
Persian, but pronounced dilFerently : —

" As I possess thy love, what need have I of thy
" sealf Thy love is infinitely more precious to
" me than thy seaV

Sirajuddin Ali Arzu, in his Memoirs, says that
Talib, before his arrival at Dehli, spent some time
at Sindh with Mirza Ghazi, who greatly improved
his knowledge of the Sufi doctrine. After that he
passed into the society of Asaf Jah Etmad ud
Doulah, who having a library of 13,000 volumes,
and profiting by the perusal of them, was able to
converse learnedly upon all subjects, and particu-
larly on poetry, so as frequently to be able to quote
two or three thousand couplets of ancient and
modern poets in an evening assembly. With such
a friend and patron in the prime minister, Talib
cultivated his great natural talents to the highest
polish of perfection, not only in poetry, but in his-
tory, Sufyism, and every species of learning. His

iSj\^ j.^ \Si^i t^b j..^ \^

N

178 TALIB.

Diwan excels those of other poets in allegory and
flowery style of diction.

Taher of Naserabad says that Talib, for a short
period at Dehli, was afflicted with insanity, but
before his death, which occurred whilst he was yet
young, he entirely recovered his senses.

There is some uncertainty about the exact time
of Talib's death. The author of the Tabakat Shah-
jehani says a.h. 1040, but a Tarikh, or date, formed
from the numeral letters in the following sentence,
makes it a.h. 1035, a.d. 1625, which is probably
correct: —

" May his resurrection be with Ali, the son of
" Abi Talib!" assimilating his name to that of the
prophet's son-in-law.

Talib's Diwan consists of about 20,000 couplets,
and his history of the Emperor .Tehangir, 5000.
His elegy in praise of Mirza Ghazi Turkhan, the
Governor of Kandahar, is a beautiful composition.

The birth-place of Talib, Amal, is a city of great
antiquity, supj)osed, by some, to have been founded
by Jemshid ; by others, Feridun. The author of
the " Nazhat ul Kiiliib " ascribes it to Tahmurath.
In it is the tomb of Iraj, the son of Feridun. Amal
is a handsome town, near which all kinds of fruit
are cultivated in the greatest abundance. The

TALIB. 179

river Hazareh approaclies close, from which canals
and courses take water to all parts of the city, as
well as to the adjoining lands for the purpose of
irrigation.

This MS. of 396 pages is transcribed in a beau-
tiful Nastaalik character, on paper richly powdered
with gold, and has an illuminated title-page, &;c.

N 2

180

No. 50.
«A COLLECTION OF EXQUISITE THINGS."

BEING MEMOIRS OF THE POETS BY SIRAJUDDIN A LI, WITH THE
POETICAL TITLE OF ARZU.

The autlior of this useful work was born at Akber-
abad (Agrah), and was the lamp of learning and
instruction to the age in which he lived. He car-
ried the art of poetry to a great pitch of refinement
in Hindustan, where, in his days, the munificence of
the Timiirian Emperors gave as much patronage and
encouragement to poets and learned men, as the
Sefevi monarchs did in Persia.

The Court of Dehli, at this period, was crowded
with men of eminence, such as Abulfaraj Ziizni,
Masaoud Saad Selman, Lahuri, Amir Khvisru, Amir
Hasan, and Sheikh Jemali.

The descent of Sirajuddin Ali, paternally, was
from Sheikh Jemaluddin, the sister's son of Sheikh
Nasiruddin Mahmud, the lamp of that enlightened
city Dehli; and maternally, from Sheikh Muham-
med Gauth of Gualior. He was born a.h. 1101,
A.D. 1689. After going through the entire circle of
the sciences, he devoted his talents to the cultivation
of his taste for poetry, in which delightful pursuit
he soon rose to great eminence.

SIRAJUDDIN ALL 181

111 A.H. 1164 he published this Majmah al
Nafais, which, properly speaking, can scarcely be
termed " jNIemoirs of the Poets," but rather poetical
extracts, as of many of the poets he gives merely
poetical selections of their works, without any kind
of biograj^hical notice: it still possesses its charms,
and the author explains in his preface and conclu-
sion his reasons and apologies for the course he has
pursued.

In A.H. 1122, Sirajuddin came from Gualior to
Dehli, where he formed an intimacy with Rai
Ananderam, in consequence of the similarity of
their tastes and acquirements, and by his friendly
influence, obtained grants of lands and appoint-
ments from the Emperor, as well as pecuniary as-
sistance from the Rai himself. At Dehli, also, he
experienced the kind patronage of Munim ud doulah
Is-hak Khan of Shushter, and after his death, of his
son, Nejm ud doulah, who, like his father, gave him
a monthly salary of one hundred and fifty rupees,
besides various rich presents at different times. On
the death of Nejm ud doulah, his younger brother,
Safdar Jang, equally favoured him, and took him with
him when he left Dehli to assume the government
of Oudh and Allahabad. After the death of Safdar
Jang, A.H. 1168, Sirajuddin staid a short time in
Oudh, which was the birth-place of his grandfather
Sheikh Kemaluddin. Here he commenced the
composition of his Diwan, but lived only to finish
as far as the letter Dal.

182 SIRAJUDDIN ALL

He was presented to the Nawab Shujaa ud
doulah by Salar Jang, and had a monthly allowance
of three hundred rupees settled on him, which,
however, he did not long enjoy. A little before
his death, he went to Lak'hnau, where he expired,
A.H. 1169, A.D. 1755. His body was some time
after transported to Dehli, and there interred. The
index to the poets mentioned in this work contains
1419 names, arranged alphabetically.

This MS. of 524 pages is written in rather a
cramjD Shekestah character, and was completed at
Dehli four years before the death of the author.
The very important fact of the right name of the
author of the Dabistan is given in the preface. In
the first place, a very particular account is given of
Mohsen Fani, even to the number of couplets in
his compositions ; and as no mention is made of so
important a work as the Dabistan, it is evident
that he could not have been the author of it. But
what settles it beyond a doubt is the following
passage in the preface of this Tezkireh, when,
ascribing the origin of poetry to Adam, in his elegy
on the death of Abel, and of Persian verse to the
King Behram Gur, or, as others assert, the son of
Omru Leith, he adds, that "in the Dabistan of
" Mulla Miiid it is written that a King named
" Ferinus, in the time of the iVbadians," &c.

SIRAJUDDIN ALL 183

The book is written in so difficult a Shekestah
character as to make it possible that the word
Muid sj^^ might be meant for Mobed Jo^, confirm-
ing INIulla Firuz's marginal note, quoted by Mr.
Erskine, about Mobed Shah being the author of
the Dabistan. But on a comparative analogy of the
writing of this MS., I feel certain that Muid, and
not Mubid or JNIobed, is the proper reading.

184

No. 64.— HEDIKEH, "AN ENCLOSED GARDEN,"

A MORAL POEM, COMPOSED BY ABUL MAHDUD IB\ ADAM OF
GHAZXI, SHEIKH SENAI, GENERALLY KNOWN AS THE HAKIM,
OR PHILOSOPHER.

Senai was born at Ghazni in Afghanistan, and,
while yet young, became one of the most learned,
devout, and excellent men of the age which he
adorned. His praise was on every tongue; for, in
addition to his accomplishments in the Sufi philo-
sophy, he possessed a kind and benevolent heart,
delightful manners, and a fine taste for poetry.

Mulavi Jelaluddin Rtimi, an eminent scholar,
and a most distinguished Sufi, considered himself
inferior to Senai ; he says, " Attar was the soul
" itself, and Senai its two eyes ; but I come after
" both Senai and Attar."

Senai in early life retired from the world and its
enjoyments, and the reason for his doing so is sup-
posed to have arisen from the following circum-
stance. He had frequented the courts of kings and
princes, and celebrated their virtuous and generous

SENAI. 185

actions. When Sultan Ibrahim of Ghazni deter-
mined upon attacking the infidel idolaters of India,
Hakim Senai composed a poem in his praise, and
was hurrying to the court to present it before that
monarch's departure. There was at that time in
Ghazni a madman known as Lai Khur (the ox-
eater), who often in his incoherent wanderings
uttered sentiments and observations worthy of a
sounder head-piece: he was addicted to drinking
wine, and frequented the bath. It so happened
that Senai, in passing a garden, heard the notes of
a song, and stopped to listen. After some time the
singer, who was Lai Khur, addressing the cup-
bearer, said, " Saki, fill a bumper, that I may drink
" to the blindness of our Sultan, Ibrahim." The
Saki remonstrated, and said it was wrong to wish
that so just a King should become blind. The
madman answered that he deserved blindness for
his folly in leaving so fine a city as Ghazni, which
required his presence and care, to go on a fool's
errand in such a severe winter. Lai Khur then
ordered the Saki to fill another cup, that he might
drink to the blindness of Hakim Senai. The cup-
bearer still more strongly remonstrated against this
toast, urging the universally esteemed character of
the poet, whom every one loved and respected.
The madman contended that Senai merited the
malediction even more than the King, for with all
his science and learning, he yet appeared ignorant

186 SENAI.

of the purposes for which the Almighty had created
him ; and when he shortly came before his Maker,
and was asked what he brought with him, he could
only produce panegyrics on kings and princes, —
mortals like himself. These words made so deep
an impression on the sensitive mind of the pious
philosopher, that he secluded himself from the world
forthwith, and gave up all the luxuries and vanities
of courts.

Sirajuddin Ali, in his " Memoirs of the Poets,"
says, that in consequence of the sudden impression
occasioned by Lai Khur's remarks, Senai sought
instruction from the celebrated Sheikh Yusef Ham-
dani, whose cell was called the " Kaabah of Kho-
" rasan."

It was about this time that Behram Shah
offered him his sister in marriage, which honour,
however, he gratefully declined, and almost imme-
diately set out on a pilgrimage to Mecca and
Medinah. It is to the refusal of the royal bride
that he alludes in his Hedikeh, as an apology to the
King, in the following lines : —

" I am not a person desirous of gold or of a
" wife, or of exalted station ; by my God, I
" neither seek them nor wish them. If through
" thy grace and favour thou wouldest even offer
" me thy crown, I swear by thy head I should
" not accept it."

SENAI. 187

*.^_j^ ^ ^ ^iS jS\ iSssr

After his return from his holy pilgrimage, he
composed this Hedikeh or Enclosed Garden, every
parterre of which is planted with the flowers of
truth and virtue. Latterly he confined his compo-
sitions to subjects of piety and devotion, celebrated
the praises of God, and sang the confirmation of his
unity.

Sheikh Senai died a.h. 576, a.d. 1180, and was
buried at Ghazni, where his tomb is visited by pil-
grims, and is called the " Mecca of Ghazni."

Of his contemporary jDoets the most eminent
were Seyed Hasan of Ghazni, Othman Mukhtari,
Umaad, Hakim Suzni, Anvari of Termez, Nejib-
uddin, and Rikati.

This MS. of 704 pages was transcribed in a
beautiful Nastaalik character at Ahmedabad by
Muhammed Sherif, a.h. 1056, a.d. 1646.

188

No. 90.— KATEBI.

" The poetical compositions of Katebi," consisting
of the " Giilshen al Abrar," or Garden of the Pure,
" Majmaa al Belierein," or Junction of two species
of Metre, "Si Nameh," or Thirty Epistles, "Deh
'• Bab," or the Ten Chapters, " Kitab i Kasaid," or
Book of Idyls and Elegies, and "Ghazaliat," or
Diwan of Odes.

Mulana Muhammed Shemsuddin, the son of
Abdullah, was born either at Tarshiz or NishajDur,
in Khorasan, and in consequence of his superior
skill in penmanship, which he learned from the
celebrated Mulana Simi Khat (Pen of Silver), he
obtained the title of " Katebi," or the Scribe,
which he adopted in his odes as his Takhaliis, or
poetical title. In poetry he was a pupil of Mulana
Nasimi.

Katebi was eminent, not only for his poetry, but
equally so for his general abilities, his genius, his
piety, and his benevolence. In one of his compo-
sitions, " The Ten Chapters," he shows his contempt
for worldly greatness, and rails at covetous and
interested conduct, and selfishness, particularly in
poets.

When in Herat, Sultan Baisankar gave him one

KATEBI. 189

of Kamal Ismail's Kasidehs (poems), to which he
desired him to compose a reply. This command
Katebi executed in so clever a manner as to call
down the applause of all the poets and wits of the
court, although unfortunately it failed to please the
prince. On being apprised of this sore result, he
departed from Herat, and travelled by Asterabad
and Gilan to Shirvan, where he received a kind
reception from its monarch, Amir Sheikh Ibrahim,
another descendant of the great Timur, who took
him into his service, and for the first poem which
he composed in his praise bestowed on him a pre-
sent of ten thousand dirhems. Katebi, in the
course of a month, distributed this sum in the cara-
vansera of Shamakhi, in largesses to poor poets,
religious mendicants, and distressed virtuous people.
When remonstrated with by his friends for his
prodigal imprudence, he defended the propriety of
his conduct by saying that the bounty of the
prince was thus converted to the relief and use
of hundreds instead of being appropriated to one
individual.

The poem which he presented to Ibrahim Shir-
van Shah, was in the rhyme of Gul, a rose, and the
King was particularly struck with the beauty of the
following couplet in it: —

" Last night a nightingale sung this song,
" perched on a high cypress, when the rose, on

190 KATEBI.

" hearing his plaintive warbling, shed tears in the
" garden, soft as the dews of heaven."

iSX\j iy^j-i »XJ)^_si ^^ jvc C'T-- ^.i U*'3'^

The monarch, on hearing Katebi recite the
poem, after expressing his delight, asked poetically,
" From what garden has this tuneful nightingale
" flown hither?" To which the poet answered in
an extemporaneous verse, and in the same rhyme
and metre : —

" Like the celebrated Attar I come from the
" rose-garden of Nishapur ; but the thorn of
" Nishapur am I, Attar the rose."

Katebi, after some time, visited Azerbaijan, and
composed a poem in praise of the Turkoman ruler
of that province, Sekander Kara Yusef, which, not
having been received so graciously as he expected,
the irritated poet wrote a severe lampoon upon
him, and proceeded to Isfahan, where he was justly
appreciated by the learned and eminent poets of
the day. From thence he journeyed to Tabaristan
and Dar ul Marz, and at length died at Asterabad,

KATEBI.

191

A.H. 839, A.D. 1435. His remains were interred in
a place of burial near that city, called " The Nine
" Graves."

This fine MS. of 696 pages was transcribed, in a
beautiful Nastaalik character, with ruled borders of
blue, and illuminated title-pages, a.h. 874, about
thirty-five years after the author's death.

192

No. 146.— THE DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF
ODES BY KAMAL.

The author of these poems, Sheikh Kamal, was
born at Khejend of an illustrious family. The city
of Khejend is termed in the work Sur al Akalim,
"The Bride of the World," because it dispenses its
favours (the finest fruits) to all the countries of the
globe.

Had Kamal not been deservedly celebrated as a
delightful poet, he would have been immortalized as
a most learned Sufi.

After the poet had made the pilgrimage of the
holy places, he visited the province of Azerbaijan,
and finding the climate favourable to his constitu-
tion, fixed his residence at Tabriz. There his re-
putation for learning and sanctity became so cele-
brated, that crowds of the highest and most learned
persons in that city enrolled themselves his disciples
and pupils. Amongst them none were more as-
siduous than the Prince Miran Shah (son of the
great Timur), who on one occasion having learned
accidentally, whilst sitting with the Sheikh, that he
was in debt, sent to his treasurer for money, and
on the return of the royal messenger, laid a bag
containing ten thousand dinars at Kamal's feet.

But the Sheikh's tranquillity and happiness

KAMAL OF KHEJEND. 193

were grievously interrupted by the invasion and
conquest of Tabriz by Yiiktemish Klian with an
army from Derbend, who, by order of ^Nlankujeh
Khan, took Kamal with him to Sheher Serai, in the
desert of Kipchak. There also he had all the great
and tlie learned men as his pupils and admirers.
But although pleased and flattered by his sojourn
at Sheher Serai, his heart was still with his beloved
friends at Tabriz, to which city he returned after an
absence of four years, and where Sultan Husein,
the son of Sultan Oweis, had prepared a delightful
residence for him to pass, as he did, the remainder
of his life in great enjoyment and tranquillity.

In his latter days a mutual respect and regard
sprung up in the kindred souls of himself and Kha-
jah Hafiz of Shiraz, without any personal meeting,
and a delightful poetical correspondence took place
between them. One of Kamal's couplets made
such an impression on Hafiz, that he was heard to
declare he had never witnessed such delicacy of
sentiment, so charmingly and powerfully expressed,
in the writings of the most celebrated ancient or
modern poets.

The following miracle is gravely related in the
Nafhat al Uns, " Odours of Friendship." A part of
the country near the residence of Sheikh Kamal at
Tabriz was annually overflowed at a certain period,
and so much injured by the floods, as to be ren-
dered useless for the purposes of cultivation. This

o

194 KAMAL OF KHEJEND.

circumstance having been reported to the Sheikh,
he ordered his tent to be pitched, at tlie usual time
of the rising of the waters, where they were always
the highest, when, strange to say, that place and the
surrounding grounds were all preserved uninjured.

An anecdote is related in the " Lataif ul Tawaif,"
or Witticisms of DiiFerent Classes, of a wag, who
observing a person perusing a book in which the
Diwans of Sheikh Kamal Khejendi and Khajali
Hasan of Dehli were bound up together, and recol-
lecting that the former frequently introduced the
word " dog" into his poetry, and that the pet word
of the latter was "heart-strings," exclaimed to the
owner of the book, " In mercy, separate those two
" works, lest Kamal's dogs should tear out poor
" Hasan's heart-strings."

Sheikh Kamal died at Tabriz, a.h. 803, a.d. 1400,
and in the Nafhat al Uns the following epitaph is
recorded as having been engraved on the tablet of
his tomb there : — " Kamal, thou hast departed from
" the Kaabah of this world to the door of thy best
" friend (God) : a thousand praises on thee ; thou
" hast departed in a manly guise."

.Ij j^y-i (j^j *.x«r x] ji^r

195

No. 151.— THE ENTIRE WORKS OF EM AD.

The poetical compositions of Sheikh Emaduddin, an
author of great celebrity. He was a native of
Kerman, which, although rich in the births of
learned men, has seldom given to the world such an
accomplished scholar and poet as Emad.

His fame as a Sufi, and as an expounder of the
law, was deservedly great ; but his celebrity as a poet
Avas such that Sheikh Azeri, in his "Pearls of Se-
" crets," declares that all learned men agree with
him in opinion that Emad was the only individual of
ancient or modern classes whose poetry was without
a fault ; that there was not a single imperfection in
his expressions, sentiments, or meaning, and that
his verses emitted a divine odour which intoxicated
the senses of those who perused his beautiful
periods.

This collection cotisists of eight Books, viz.: —

Book 1. — The Companion of the Pious. Dedicated
to his Patron Shah Shiijaa.
„ 2. — The Book of Friendly Discourse.
„ 3.— The Book of Affection.
„ 4.-— The Ten Letters.
„ 5. — Poems on Particular Occasions.

O 2

19G EMAD.

Book 6. — Guidance to Sufyism.
„ 7. — Elegies and Fragments.
„ 8. — The Diwan of Odes and Tetrastics.

Particulars of the above Books.

The first, the Companion of the Pious, is suffi-
ciently explained by its title.

The second, a Discussion on the Ties of Society,
divided into ten Discourses.

Discourse 1. — On the Manners of Kings and Go-
vernors with their Companions,
illustrated by the Tale of Sultan
Mahmud of Ghazni.

„ 2. — On the Manners of the Holy, illus-
trated by an Anecdote of Jesus
Christ.

„ 8. — On the Manners of Students, exem-
plified by the Narrative of a Re-
spectful Youth.

„ 4. — On the Manners of Religious Pro-
fessors, illustrated by the Tale of a
Religious Miser.

„ 5. — On the Manners of the Hermit and
Recluse, vi^ith an Anecdote of an
Ignorant Dervish.

„ 6. — On the Manners of Travellers, illus-
trated with the Tales of the Just
Youth and the Old Traveller.

EMAD.

197

Discourse 7. — On the Manners of the Liberal, with
the Story of a Man who Sacrificed
his Hand for his Friend.

„ 8. — On the Manners of Lovers, illustrated
with the Tale of a Lover, who
yielded up his Life for his Beloved.

„ 9. — On the Manners of the Beautiful,
with the Tales of a Lovely Person
possessing a Bad Disposition, and
another adorned with Modesty and
Goodness.

„ 10. — On the Manners of Singers and JNIu-
sicians, with an Ode, a Poem, and
a Tale of the Negligent Songster.

Third Book — consisting of Eight Sections.

Section 1. — On the Connexion between Refined and

Gross Matter.
2. — On the Connexion between Gross and

Refined Matter.
3. — On the Connexion between Inanimate

and Inanimate.
4. — On the Connexion between Inanimate

and Vegetable.
5. — On the Connexion between Vegetable

and Vegetable.
6. — On the Connexion between Animate

and Inanimate.

,

198 EM AD.

Section 7. — On the Connexion between Animal and
Vegetable.
„ 8. — On the Connexion between Animal and
Animal.

The above Sections, as described in a short
prose preface, are treated of in eight Chapters, and
illustrated with examples.

Chapter 1. — Contrasts the Soul with the Body —

Example. The Tale of Mejnun.

Tale of Leili. Moral.
„ 2. — Compares a Sparkling Grain of Sand

to the Sun, Story of Warakah.

Story of Gilshah. Moral.
„ 3. — Describes the Iron and the Loadstone.

Tale of Wais. Tale of Ramin.

Moral.
„ 4. — Describes Straw and Amber. Tale of

Wamik. Tale of Uzra. Moral.
„ 5. — Connexion between IVIale and Female

Date Trees. Tale of Ferhad. Tale

of Shirin. Moral
„ 6. — Attraction of the Moth to the Taper.

Tale of Rubab. Tale of Daad.

Moral.
„ 7. — Attraction of the Nightingale to the

Rose. Tale of Hind. Tale of

Busher, Moral.

EMAD. 199

Chapter 8. — Of the Gnat and the Elephant. Story
of Joseph. Story of Zelikha. Moral.

The Fourth Book contains Ten Letters on dif-
ferent subjects, in verse, written to Kings, Vizirs,
and absent friends of the poet.

The Fifth Book consists of Eulogies and Pane-
gyrics on Kings, Princes, and Rulers.

The Sixth Book contains an Exposition of the
Tenets of a Sufi, with Examples and Illustrations,
divided into ten chapters, and each chapter into ten
sections.

The Seventh Book consists of Elegies, Poems,
and Fragments.

The Eighth Book contains the Diwan, or Book
of Odes and Tetrastics.

Sheikh Emaduddin died in Kerman, a.h. 793,
A.D. 1390, and his tomb there is still shown and held
in reverence.

When residing in Persia, I observed with much
regret, that whenever I indulged in the odour of the
red rose, the effect produced was similar to that of
a cold in the head; but on looking over some of
Emad's poetry, I found that the result was gene-
rally known, and not peculiar to me.

" Wine, but not the bitter wine that is for-

200 EMAD.

"bidden. The rose, but not the red rose that
" causes rheum in the head."

f^/ ^J^ ^^ ^J-'^ ^ ^'^ ^

This very beautiful manuscript of 776 pages
was transcribed in a fine Nastaalik character by the
celebrated scribe Azher, a.h. 834, a.d. 1430, within
blue and gold lines throughout. The illuminations
of the title-pages of the different books are rich in
gold and ultramarine ; and by a beautifully illumined
vignette on the fly leaf it appears to have been
copied expressly for the library of Sultan Baisaukar
Bahadur Khan, the grandson of Timur.

The high estimation in which the works of
Emad were held, may be gathered from the circum-
stance that this fine volume was copied by the
scribe Azher, no doubt, at an enormous expense,
for I find in the Life of the celebrated penman,
Mir Ali, who is supposed to have invented the Nas-
taalik character, that there were, of his numerous
pupils, two who equalled, if they did not excel,
their master. The one was Mulla Jaafer of Tabriz,
the other Mulla Azher, ihe transcriber of this fine
manuscript.

201

No. 152.— ASSAR.

THIC KOWANCE OF MERER AND MUSHTERI, COMPOSED BY
MUHAMMED ASSAR.

The author of this beautiful and affecting ro-
mance was born at Tabriz, the capital of Azer-
baijan, and is reckoned one of the most learned
poets of that city by Haji Lutf Ali in his Atesli
Kedah, " Fire Altar," as a proof of which opinion he
quotes largely from this romance.

The celebrated author and poet, Jami, in his
Beharistan, expresses a similar panegyric on this
poem, but neither of them gives any detail of the
life and actions of Assar.

In the " Kaabehi Aarifan," which professes to
give the lives of the most celebrated Sufi poets,
JNIuhammed Assar is mentioned in equally flattering
terms with those above quoted, but nothing is given
respecting his life. The romance of JNIeher and
Miishteri is considered as the acme of poetical
talent, and the author of the " Memoirs," Taki
Ouhdi, declares that " the eyes of Meher (the Sun),
" or those of Miishteri (Jupiter), never saw such a
" poem, even in a dream!"

As the romance is deservedly a favourite with

202 ASSAR.

the literati of the East, it may, perhaps, be worth
while to give an abstract account of it.

This superb MS. of 434 pages is transcribed in
a very beautiful Nastaalik character, within red,
blue, and gold lines, on paper powdered with gold.
The fine double title-page is richly ornamented with
blue and gold, as are also the heads of chapters,
with the addition of red and black, and the text is
illustrated with six miniature paintings.

The biography of Muhammed Assar is so scanty,
I have added an extract of the romance which has
given celebrity to his name, to make up for the defi-
ciency in some measure.

Extract of the Romance op Merer and Mushteri.

Shahpiir, King of Persia, reigned with unequalled
justness and mildness at Istakhar, the capital of his
dominions. Neither he nor his Vizir were blessed
with children for a considerable time, but at length,
by means of the prayers of a venerable saint whom
they visited, their wishes on this score were crowned
with success. The King's son was called Meher
(the Sun), the Vizir's, Mushteri (Jupiter). The two
lovely boys are educated together, and acquire the
sciences and all manly accomplishments as fast as
their teachers can instruct them. The wicked Beh-

ASSAR. 203

ram, at the request of his father, who was an officer
of the King's household, is appointed an attendant
on the young Prince, and becomes a spy upon his
actions. At the same time Beder, a good and
blooming youth, devotes himself to the service of
Miishteri. A most uncommon friendship is mutually
entertained between Meher and Miishteri, which
Behram regards with a jealous eye. He conspires
with his father to put an end to their growing fond-
ness, persuades the preceptor of the youths, who is a
good but weak old man, that the connexion between
the Prince and IMushteri is of an improper nature,
and advises him to make the King acquainted with
this dangerous attachment in time. The tutor goes
to the King and hints his suspicions. The Monarch
in a fury sends for the Vizir, and tells him to sepa-
rate his son from the Prince, which harsh command,
joined with the manner in which the order is deli-
vered, so aifects the good and faithful Vizir, that he
takes to his bed, and shortly after dies. The tutor
has orders to attend the Prince in his own chambers.
Mushteri, absent from his beloved friend, pines and
sickens. Beder, his faithful companion, knowing
the cause of his pain, offers to bring him intelli-
gence of the state of his friend Meher; to effect
which he makes a handsome present to the tutor
for permission to visit him whilst he is instructing
Meher.

The presence of the envious Behram throws

204 ASSAR.

many obstacles in the way, but at length Meher
contrives to write to Miishteri, and gives the letter
to Beder for him. In carrying on this correspond-
ence, Beder unfortunately drops a letter from Mush-
teri to Meher, in which he entreats the Prince to
grant him an interview, if possible. The letter is
picked up by the wicked Behram, and by him laid
before Shahpiir.

The coincidence between the contents of this
letter (however innocent in itself), with the hints of
the old tutor, distracts the mind of the King with
rage and indignation. He sends for Mushteri and
Beder, and orders the executioner to behead them in
his presence; but, by the intercession of the King's
good nephew Behzad, their lives are spared, on con-
dition that they immediately quit the kingdom.
Meher is also ordered before his angry father, who
indignantly rej)roaches him with his affection for
Mushteri; and is proceeding to put him to death,
but is restrained by Behzad, who cannot, however,
dissuade him from throwing Meher into a dungeon
for some time. Behzad, fearful that the King may
change his mind with regard to Mushteri and Beder,
gives them dresses, money, and horses, and sees
them safe out of the city, advising them to take the
route of Irak.

The sorrowing travellers, careless of the track
they pursue, approach a lofty castle near Isfahan,
and are attacked by the banditti to whom it be-

ASSAR. 205

longs; after a stout resistance they are overpowered,
bound, and taken into the castle. An order for
putting them to death is issued, but the wife of the
chief, taking pity on their youth and beauty, saves
their lives and favours their escape. For seven days
they wander through pathless deserts, and at length,
faint and weary, lay themselves down to die; but at
the moment of despair, a caravan appears in sight,
the chief of which, the kind-hearted Mohiar, takes
them into his tent, dresses their wounds, and invites
them to his house at Rei, where he treats them
with the greatest hospitality and generosity.

In the mean time, after a short confinement,
Meher is released from durance at the instance of
the excellent Behzad. He contrives to get from
his mother some jewels of inestimable value, and
anxious to join his beloved Mushteri, who has suf-
fered so much by his friendship for him, he flies in
search of him, accompanied by three faithful com-
panions, Assad, Jouher, and Suba, and takes the
road to Hindustan.

When Shahpiir, whose love for Meher has re-
turned with redoubled warmth, hears of his son's
flight, he becomes the most miserable of mortals.
His wife mixes her tears with his, but with her
condoling expressions blends some cutting re-
proaches for his former severity to her beloved son.
The wicked Behram, ever on the watch to promote
his own interests at the expense of others, goes to the

"206 ASSAR.

King, and with affected generosity, offers to travel
the world over in search of his master. He sug-
gests, at the same time, the propriety of assuming
the character of a merchant, as the most certain
method of procuring admittance into all cities and
countries. The King is duped by his hypocrisy, and
orders for his use goods, money, and beasts of
burthen, sufficient for a large caravan. He departs
with twenty slaves and followers, elated with the
success of his artifice. If he succeed in restoring
Meher to his father, he is certain of immense
rewards; on the other hand, if he even fail, he has
wealth enough in his caravan to enable him to live
always in affluence.

Miishteri, restless and impatient, although nobly
entertained by Mohiar, leaves the city of Rei, ac-
companied by Beder and Mehrab, a relation of his
own who by chance joined him at Rei. They take
the route of Azerbaijan, and by ill luck are over-
taken by Behram, who instantly orders his slaves to
seize on them. After beating Miishteri unmerci-
fully, and using his two friends in a barbarous man-
ner, he puts them on board a ship, just proceeding
on a voyage in the stormy Caspian Sea. They ex-
perience a shipwTeck, and after various sufferings
are cast ashore at a place where the King of Der-
bend is hunting. His Majesty conceives an instan-
taneous affection for INIiishteri, and takes him and
his companions to the royal residence, where he

ASSAR. 207

shows them the most princely hospitality. But
Miishteri cannot enjoy happiness in the absence of
his friend; anxious and unquiet he solicits permis-
sion to depart, which the King of Derbend reluc-
tantly grants. He determines on crossing the great
mountain Alburz, in effecting which he encounters
many adventures; but having at length conquered
a party of Anthropophagi who had attacked him, he
arrives with his companions at the foot of the
mountain, and enters a most delightful garden,
where they refresh themselves after their fatigues.

In the mean time Meher journeys on until he
reaches the sea side; he sees some merchants load-
ing a ship, in which he takes a passage for himself
and his three companions that he may escape from
the pursuit of his father. He here experiences a
fate similar to that of his friend Miishteri; the ship
is wrecked, and every soul on board perishes, except
Meher and his companions, who cling to some
planks which were separated from the wreck, and
after experiencing great hardships are tossed ashore
on an island, where they find plenty of fruits to
appease their voracious appetites, but see no possi-
bility of being ever delivered from its solitude.

When almost reduced to despair, a merchant
of the name of Sherf happens to anchor at the
island to refresh the crew of his ship; he receives
them on board in the kindest manner, and trans-
ports them to the continent. Meher, who rewards

208 ASSAR.

the sailors in a most liberal manner, is pressed by
Slierf to accompany him to Kharizm, his native
city. Oji the road a large lion rushes upon the
party; the merchants consider their lives as for-
feited, when Meher draws his sword, and with one
blow severs his head from his body. They are next
attacked by a desperate band of robbers; but Meher
and his three companions not only compel them to
retire, but take a large booty from them, which they
immediately divide amongst the people composing
Sherf 's caravan.

When near Kharizm, Sherf, who is greatly
astonished at the beauty, generosity, and bravery of
Meher, declares to him that there is not a female
in the world worthy of becoming his bride, except
Nahid, the King of Kharizm's daughter, who sur-
passes all her sex in loveliness and accomplish-
ments. Meher's whole soul is so fixed on his friend
Mushteri that he scarce allows himself a thought on
this subject. On their arrival at Kharizm Sherf
insists on having Meher at his own house. The
Prince goes to the public bath, where his beauty
dazzles and captivates all beholders. Sherf, accord-
ing to custom, goes to Court, and takes with him
some costly gifts to lay at King Keiwan's feet, who
receives him most graciously, and desires him to
fjive an account of all the wonders he has seen
during his voyage. Sherf relates his adventures,
and dwells with emphasis on the uncommon beauty.

ASSAR. 209

valour, and generosity of the youth he had found on
an uninhabited island. The King's curiosity is ex-
cited to behold this wonderful stranger, and he
accordingly sends a chamberlain for him. ]Meher's
appearance exceeds even the praises of his friend
Sherf. Keiwan is quite enraptured with him;
his manners and mode of presenting himself fill
the King's mind with a perfect conviction of
his being a youth of illustrious birth, and induce
him to receive him graciously, and place him
on a seat close to himself. JNIeher composes an
impromptu in praise of Keiwan, which, for depth
of historical knowledge and sublimity of ex-
pression, astonishes the whole Court. At parting
the King presents him with a horse and a dress of
honour. The next and every successive morning
Meher is summoned to the Palace, where the Kinor
prepares various trials to prove whether his education
is equal to his conjectures respecting his noble birth.
It is usual for persons who are presented at
Court to make an offering proportionate either to
their own state, or to the dignity of the monarch to
whom it is given. Meher, after apologizing for not
being possessed of anything worthy of Keivvan's
acceptance, orders his man Jouher to deliver the
little casket he brought with him to the royal trea-
surer, which, he modestly says, does not merit being
displayed before the King's eyes. Keiwan, how-
ever, as a mark of kindness insists on receiving it

210 ASSAR.

in his own hands, and is quite astonished to find
that it contains jewels of greater value than any
he is already master of.

The first trial of Meher's education is the game
of drafts. The King and the Vizir are engaged at
it, and the former by following ]Meher's advice is
successful, which provokes the Minister to challenge
the Prince, who, in a few moves, beats him fairly off
the field.

The second trial is the game of chess, at which
Ferhad, the second Vizir, was acknowledged to be
the best player in the kingdom; our hero, however,
in six moves gives him checkmate, to the great
astonishment of the King and the courtiers.

The third was his style of writing; of which the
King contrived to procure a trial, by having a letter
which required an immediate answer brought in
at a time when all his secretaries were absent. He
asks JMeher to oblige him by writing a reply, the
composition and penmanship of v/hich were so ini-
mitable as to excite the wonder and admiration of
the whole Court.

The fourth trial was to ascertain his knowledge
of music, and his powers in melody and song. The
King invites him to a feast, where the sparkling cup
is in circulation, and the sweet voices and graceful
motions of the minstrels inspire voluptuous sensa-
tions. In tumultuous ardour Meher snatches up a
harp, and after preluding in a style of masterly

ASSAR. 211

execution, accompanies bis voice in an extempore
ode to a most delightful melody. The hearers are
lost and enraptured with the soft sounds of his har-
monious numbers.

For the fifth trial the King calls together the
wise men of the land, and proposes problems on
different subjects of most difficult solution; but
after various discussions and arguments they ac-
knowledge themselves completely foiled by the
youthful stranger.

The sixth is a trial of strength and agility,
which Meher displays beyond all competition at the
game of gav and choghan.

The King makes his favourite wife, Shemsah»
view this beauteous stranger from behind the blinds
of the female apartments, which command the plain
of exhibition; with her the Princess Nahid seeks to
gratify her curiosity, although in doing so she loses
her heart, and retires desperately enamoured of
the Prince.

The seventh trial is to see if he possess the
accomplishments of a warrior. The King orders a
field-day, on which are exhibited all kinds of mar-
tial feats and exercises, shooting with bows and
arrows, throwing the javelin, sham fighting with
spears, &c., in every one of which Meher bears off
the prize from all competitors.

In the mean time the lovely Nahid, unable to
restrain the secret of her heart, discloses the tale of

p 2

212 ASSAR.

her love to her old nurse, who, to pacify her darling,
promises that she shall soon be made happy. To
forward this wished-for event she relates the whole
to Shemsah Banii, who, alarmed lest her daughter's
health might suffer, sends for the King, and makes
him acquainted with Nahid's situation; but nothing
decisive is agreed upon, as, although they both adore
Melier, yet they cannot help feeling ashamed to
match their only daughter, the heiress of their
throne, to a person they know nothing about, and
whom they are obliged to consider as a merchant,
however his manners and accomplishments may
induce a more favourable deduction of his origin.

The eighth trial is the chace. Keiwan takes
Meher to the haunts of wild beasts, where, after a
display of wonderful dexterity, he is attacked by a
tremendous lion, long the terror of the country,
and pulled off his horse; but Meher, nothing dis-
mayed, at the moment the lion is extending his
jaws to devour him, thrusts his left hand and arm
down his throat, and drawing his dagger with the
right, kills the furious animal on the spot. He is
carried home in triumph, followed by acclamations
and blessings of all ranks of the people of Kharizm.

The King is so delighted with the all-accom-
plished Meher that he insists on his becoming an
inmate of his palace, where he gives him a superb
suite of apartments. Here the Prince often retires
to indulge in melancholy, which, in spite of the

ASSAR. 213

royal favour he enjoys, will occasionally intrude, and
force tears from his eyes at the recollection of his
beloved absent friend Miishteri. He is one evening
surprised by the appearance of Nahid's nurse, "who,
after the circumlocution peculiar to persons of her
line of life, discloses to him the secret of the
Princess's passion for him, and advises his taking
advantage of the King's present fondness for him
to ask her in marriage, adding a vast deal about the
honour done a man like him by a Princess of such
rank and dignity as her mistress. Meher acknow-
ledges the honour, although, he says, they may be
mistaken as to his rank and birth; and as, according
to the adage, " Love begets love," and he had
already heard a description of her wonderful charms,
he becomes suddenly enamoured of the Princess,
confesses the same to the old nurse, and imprecates
a thousand curses on his head if he ever prove
unfaithful to Nahid, his first and only love. The
nurse flies to her lovely mistress, and communicates
the substance of her conversation with Meher, which
quite delights her.

About a month after the killing of the lion an
ambassador arrives from Kara Khan, king of Samar-
kand, to demand in marriage the beautiful Nahid,
whom he understands to be a rose on which the
eyes of a nightingale had not yet fallen. The King,
more anxious to secure his daughter's happiness
than her aggrandizement, had already determined

214 ASSAR.

on giving her to Meher, and consequently delivers a
flat refusal to the Khan's demand, in opposition to
the advice of his Vizir, who dreads the result of
insulting so powerful a Prince.

On the return of the ambassador, Kark Khan,
in the rage of disappointment, calls out his hordes
of Tartars, and marches direct for Kharizm. The
news of the invasion is quickly brought to Keiwan,
who is low spirited on the occasion, until roused by
Meher, who offers to attack the host of Kara Khan
with five hundred chosen men. Keiwan refuses this
offer, gathers together as many troops as the time
will admit of, and marches to meet the Khan, whose
forces exceed those of the Kharizmians at the rate
of ten to one. The description of the battle is very
fine. Kara Khan's generals are dealing destruction
in the left wing, when Meher and Assad fly to the
assistance of the Kharizmians, and turn the fate of
the day by killing the leaders and immense numbers
of the greatest Tartar heroes. Victory is pro-
claimed for Keiwan, but Meher, not satisfied, pur-
sues the routed army, overtakes the flying Prince,
whom he makes prisoner, and delivers over bound
to Assad to be taken to the camp.

As soon as Kara Khan is disposed of, his troops
in dismay fall on their knees and sue for quarter,
which is granted. Keiwan embraces Meher with
much affection for the signal services he has ren-
dered him, sends news of his victory to Kharizm,

ASSAR. 215

and orders the ill-fated Kara Khan into his tent to
suffer death for his unprovoked invasion. Ere the
signal is made to strike off his head, Meher inter-
cedes for him successfully, and after making him
enter into conditions for an annual tribute to Kei-
wan, he generously dismisses him, superbly equip-
ped, to his own frontiers. Whilst iNIeher is thus
occupied, Keiwan asks his Minister if he can pos-
sibly have a better son-in-law than the youth who
has just saved his kingdom for him. The Vizir
readily acknowledges all his merits and claims; he is
therefore formally sent to Meher to offer him the
Princess Nahid in marriage, which he accepts as the
greatest boon that mortal can bestow. After three
days' rest they return to the capital, and are re-
ceived as benefactors and conquerors should be by
a sensible and grateful people.

It is the season of Spring, (which Assar describes
in a very poetical manner,) and the royal family
occupy one of the gardens detached from the great
palace. Keiwan and Meher celebrate their vic-
torious return by large libations of pure wine,
which is peculiarly grateful in the vernal season,
being enhanced by the fragrant perfume of innu-
merable flowers and the sweet songs of the fea-
thered race. So many sensual delights quickly
overcome the sobriety of the young Prince, who,
almost in a state of intoxication, retires to a dis-
tant part of the garden. Seating himself on the

216 ASSAR.

banks of a murmuring rivulet, he sinks into a pro-
found sleep, where he is perceived by Nahid and
her nurse, who happen to be taking their evening's
walk. Tlie Princess is rivetted to the spot by the
charms of the enchanting sleeper; she approaches
gently, and softly places his head in her lap. The
unconscious youth still sleeps, but in a dream sees
the most perfect beauty his eyes ever beheld, and
believes her to be the Princess. In ecstasy he starts
from sleep, but wakes to real and exquisite happi-
ness, for looking up, he beholds the most beautiful
of her sex hanging over him with looks of unspeak-
able fondness, and recognizes in her the fair vision
he but a moment before saw for the first time, even
in a dream. Expressions of love, transport, amaze-
ment, and delight, follow each other almost too
quick for utterance, and yet there is so much to say
that the night has fled, and the morning's dawn
warns them to separate before they believe that an
hour has elapsed. The nurse with much difficulty
effects a separation between the lovers after many
tender farewells.

When Meher's thoughts are a little collected
after the delirium of delight he has lately revelled
in, he seriously reflects on his situation. He finds
himself on the brink of an union with the object of
his fondest affections; yet, his beloved Mushteri,
the friend of his heart, who, on his account, had
suffered infamy and exile, and to seek after whom

ASSAR. 217

he had himself forsaken his father's court, is not
yet discovered. The struggle between love and
friendship is long and violent; at length, unable to
decide whether he shall sacrifice the latter to the
former, or persist in his search after Miishteri, even
at the risk of losing the lovely and all-accomplished
Nahid, he prays fervently to God to direct him for
the best, or at once to end the conflict in his bosom
by taking back the life he had given him.

We now return to INIushteri, who had steered his
course to the deserts of Kipchak, after traversing
which he gets on the road to Kharizm, unconscious
of approaching the object of his most pure and un-
altered friendship. When he reaches the suburbs of
Kharizm he seats himself with Beder on the banks
of a rivulet, and sends Mehrab into the city to take
retired lodgings for the party. As they are quite
exhausted with fatigue, Mushteri and Beder fall
asleep, and are seen in that situation by a slave
who is sent by the master of an approaching caravan
to draw some water. The slave recognises the un-
fortunate sleepers, and runs back with the tidings
to his master, the wicked Behram, who, almost cer-
tain that they must have perished by shipwreck in
the Caspian Sea, cannot give credit to his report.
The slave, however, being positive about their
identity, takes Behram to the river side to ascertain
the fact. When he sees the devoted young men,
his malignant eyes flash with the fire of triumph, and

218 ASSAR.

hate, and deadly malice : he swears that they shall
not escape death a second time. Mushteri and his
friend are soon awakened to the miseries of their
situation, finding themselves bound with cords in
the hands of Behram and his slaves, who treat them
with the utmost harshness and rigour. In proceed-
ing to the city they are met by Mehrab, who was
returning to his friends with intelligence of having
procured a lodging for tliem. Seeing the hateful
face of Behram and the miserable condition of his
friends, without being perceived himself, he hides in
a ravine for the night, and early the next morning
hastens to town, trembling at every step he takes,
lest it should throw him into the power of his in-
veterate enemy. In passing through the city he
hears the praises of Meher in the mouths of old
and young, and after a few inquiries, makes his way
to the palace, where, by the kindness of one of the
chamberlains, he obtains an audience of the young
Prince, who is delighted to see him. He relates the
sufferings and misfortunes of Mushteri, which bring
tears from our hero's eyes. Impatient to behold
his beloved friends, and punish the guilty wretch
Behram, he flies to Keiwan, and relates the whole
story to him. The King begs of him to dry his
tears, promising that in a few minutes he shall see
his ill-used friends at court, accompanied by the
severed head of their cruel oppressor. Meher begs
that justice may not be so summarily administered,

ASSAR. 219

but that all three be summoned to attend the royal
presence, where INIehrab is to accuse Behram before
the King, himself remaining behind a screen to
hear what the villain may say in his defence.

This is agreed to. Behram and his two prisoners
are brought to the palace, the backs of Mi^ishteri and
Beder all bloody from the stripes inflicted on them
by their cruel tormentor. Keiwan is much astonished
at the uncommon beauty of Mushteri and graceful
appearance of Beder. Mehrab makes a formal com-
plaint, to which Behram replies. He declares that
Mushteri and Beder were both his slaves ; that
Mushteri, his treasurer, robbed him of immense
sums, and fled with them and his colleague Beder ;
and that after a long search he has at length re-
covered them, and punished them for their crimes.
He calls his slaves also to swear to the truth of his
assertions, as he did in a similar instance before the
merchants on the banks of the Caspian, and thinks
he has carried the point, when Melier, no longer
able to brook such audacious villany, rushes sud-
denly from behind the screen, and throws himself
into the arms of his beloved Mushteri. Their feel-
ings are so much too great for utterance, that, un-
able to relieve their full hearts, they look in each
other's faces and fall lifeless to the ground. Keiwan
and the other bystanders are affected even to tears.
They chafe the temples of the two friends, and
sprinkle rosevvater on their faces, but for the space

220 ASSAR.

of a full hour they do not come to their senses.
Behnim wishes in vain to hide his guilty head : he
is for the present loaded with heavy irons, and sent
to the lowest dungeon of the prison. The King
presents Mushteri with a suit of his own clothes,
and desires Meher to take his friends to his own
apartment, as he knows they must have a great deal
to say to each other in private. On retiring, Meher
eagerly asks IMushteri for an account of his suffer-
ings since they were so cruelly torn from each
other's society, but he, unable in his reduced situa-
tion to recite so many painful scenes, makes Beder
relate their adventures, which draw copious floods
of tears from the eyes of the Prince. JMeher in
turn describes his own varied fortunes, and thus in
mutual converse sweet they pass away the night.
The next morning Keiwan sends for them, and
has Behram brought into their presence. The exe-
cutioner has already received the signal for behead-
ing the wretch, but is prevented by the grace and
elegance with which ]Mushteri kneels to the King
and sues for his pardon, declaring that he has him-
self forgiven him. This action of Mushteri's draws
down the admiration and applause of all the be-
holders, but is more bitter to Behram than the ex-
pected blow of the executioner. Mushteri unfetters
and dismisses him, but the wretch, writhing under
the disappointment of his nefarious schemes, has
already suffered more than his broken spirit can

ASSAR. 221

bear, and after pining for a week, dies unpitied
and imlamented.

Miishteri's disinterested generosity however does
not pass unregarded. Like that of Meher's, when
he sued for the life of Kara Khan, it makes a most
favourable impression on the King's mind, and he
declares that those kindred souls are equally wonder-
ful for their amiable qualities and generous disposi-
tions as for their more than human beauty of person.

After a short pause, which the King allows to
the duties of friendship, he thinks something is
also due to those of love, and therefore sends
his Vizir to Meher that he may fix with him a
day for his union with Nahid, which is accordingly
done. On the appointed day the marriage cere-
mony is performed. Meher, richly dressed in the
finest brocade, with a golden orange in his hand,
proceeds to the chamber where his lovely bride is
dressed out to receive him sitting on a superb
throne. He places himself by her, and pulls aside
her veil with gentleness and grace. Her charms,
of which he had only an imperfect glance in the
garden scene, now blaze upon him in such won-
derful variety of brightness as nearly to deprive
him of his senses ; her mouth scarce large enough to
give utterance to her honied accents ; her pouting
lips forcing the red cornelian to hide himself in his
parent rock, for shame of being excelled in splen-
dour of hue ; her scented ringlets far surpassing the

222 ASSAR.

musk tleer of Khoteii, although he bursts his skin
asunder in endeavouring to equal their fragrance ;
her bosom fairer than the purest silver ; her waist
so delicately small as to be merely visible ; her form
straight as the equinoctial line. She was in fact all
over beauty and loveliness. At an auspicious hour
the nurse cleared the room of the handmaids and
left the lovers to themselves. Meher — but we will
draw a veil over the rest. May evil eyes be far
from them !

In the morning Nahid went into the bath, and
Meher took that opportunity of paying his respects
to the King, but his impatience to return to his
beloved bride was too ardent to admit of his
making a long visit. For a week he enjoyed the
greatest luxury of bliss without quitting the female
apartments ; he then went to the palace, and was
presented with wedding gifts by all the courtiers.

At the end of the first month, whilst passing
the morning in soft dalliance with his lovely bride,
the thoughts of his aged father and beloved mother
suddenly flashed on his recollection, and called the
tears into his eyes. Nahid, who lives in her lord's
looks, tenderly inquires the cause of his grief: he
candidly tells her that it is occasioned by the
thoughts of his parents, whom he has not seen for
many years, and who are now probably lamenting
his absence in bitterness and sorrow. He adds,
that as he cannot himself ask the King's permission

ASSAR. 223

to visit his father, Shahpur, he hopes she will re-
present the ease to him in the best manner she
can, which she promises faithfully to do. She
goes to her father and her mother, and with great
reluctance and lamentation persuades them to
allow her and Meher to visit Shahpur. Prepara-
tions are accordingly made. The King presents
them with a thousand camels, a thousand horses
with caparisons of gold, a thousand Indian slaves,
and splendid ajjparatus for a long journey. He
also accompanies them to a certain distance on
their route, and returns afflicted to his capital.

When the travellers arrive near Istakhar, IMeher
dispatches Suba with a letter to his father. Suba
flies on the wings of attachment, and quickly
reaches the palace. At sight of him the old King
with trembling anxiety demands news of his son.
The affection of a father is roused within him, and
Suba s account of the Prince creates such sudden
unexpected delight, as almost to overpower his
feeble frame. When a little restored, Meher's
letter is presented, and perused with eager rapture.
The King in ecstasy goes to the royal harem, ac-
companied by Suba, when a similar scene of joy
and gladness takes place with the Queen. IMeher
has fixed on a day for his entering Istakhar in the
letter, against Avhich period the King gives orders
for all kinds of rejoicings, fire-works, and public
shows. The fronts of the houses are hung with

224 ASSAR.

silks, shawls, and brocades, and flags and booths
erected in all the squares.

On the appointed day the King proceeds in
state to meet his adored son, who perceiving his
approach, alights from his horse and flies forwards
to his embrace. The meeting is most affecting.
The King also dismounts and strains his beloved
Meher for some time to his panting bosom, Miisli-
teri then approaches and falls at the King's feet.
He most graciously raises him up, and tenderly
embraces him, asking pardon for the many cruelties
he had so unjustly inflicted on him at the instiga-
tion of the slanderous and infamous Behram.
Beder, Mehrab, Assad, and Jouher, are also most
kindly greeted by the King. They proceed in a
body to the Queen's apartments, and here the scene
between a doating mother and ber long lost only
son, so unexpectedly restored, is affecting in the
highest degree. Nahid is at length introduced, and
astonishes all beholders with the blaze of her in-
comparable charms.

Time seems to fly away unperceived ; human
happiness is not of long duration ; years, infirmities,
and the late agitations of his mind, snatch away the
old Shahpur from the society of his dutiful and
affectionate son and blooming daughter-in-law, not
however before he had voluntarily invested Meher
with the robe of sovereignty over all Persia. Miish-
teri, as a thing of course, is appointed Vizir, and

ASSAR. 225

performs the duties of his station with consummate
skill. His attachment to his Sovereign is still the
paramount passion of his heart, and so astonishing
are its effects, that he learns almost by sympathy
his every wish, and frequently executes services
unasked which Meher afterwards acknowledges to
be an anticipation of orders he intended giving.

After five or six years of happiness, as perfect
as mortals can expect in this transitory world,
Meher is attacked by a dangerous malady, and at
the same moment is jNIushteri afflicted and experi-
ences similar symptoms. The various changes that
occur to Meher are equally felt by poor Mushteri ;
and what astonishes the physicians most of all is,
that Meher, being suddenly advised to lose a little
blood, has a vein opened, when, strange to tell, at
the same instant Miishteri perceives the blood
flowing from his arm without any visible cause.

But the surgeons try their skill in vain against
the will of heaven. The good, the lovely, the
accomplished Meher breathes his last, in the full
blowing flower of his life. At that exact hour the
fond and ever faithful Mushteri yielded up his last
sigh, gently uttering the well-loved name of JNIeher.
At the usual period the friends of ^Mushteri take up
his coffin and proceed to the burial place as the
funeral of Meher is in procession from the palace.
The bearers of INIushteri's body seem to feel a super-
natural power, as it were, compelling them to join

Q

226 ASSAR.

the procession of the royal corjDse ; and at lengtli,
M'hat they conceive to be the soul of Mushteri, in
the form of a bird, flies from his coffin to that of
INIeher. It is impossible to refuse assent to such
strong calls for a final union, and the lamented re-
mains of the two friends are accordingly deposited
in the same vault.

" They were lovely in their lives,

" And in death fliey were not divided."

When Assad, once strong as the God of War,
now from sore affliction weak and emaciated, re-
turned from restoring the remains of his beloved
master to his kindred dust, he stopped at the gate
of the royal harem to inquire after Nalnd, and
learns that when the body of her lord was removed
from the palace, she breathed out his name, that
name which bore with it the very essence of love,
drooped her lovely head and expired. A son of
four years of age was all that now remained of the
once blooming ]Meher and beautiful Nahid. For
the space of ten years an old and able nobleman
acted the part of Regent, and after j^erforming his
duty most honourably, placed young Shahpur on
the throne of his fathers at the age of fourteen.

He trod in the footsteps of his father, and, like
him, was unequalled in the age in which he lived.

227

No. 153.— DIWAN, OR COLLECTION OF ODES,
BY SAIB.

The author of these beautiful odes, Mirza Muham-
med Ali, is generally considered an inhabitant of
Tabriz, where his family had resided for a length-
ened period, but, in fact, he was born in Isfahan, to
which city Shah Abbas the Second had removed
the whole family from Tabriz, and aj^pointed the
father of Saib one of the Ketkhudas of Abbasabad.
The poet himself was in great favour with both
Shah Abbas and Shah Suliman Sefevi.

Few have ever reached the perfection to which
Mirza Saib carried the Ghazal or ode, and very few
have so deeply studied the art of poetry. In early
life he visited the holy places Mecca and Medinah,
and on his return to Persia, meditated a journey to
Hindiistan in the latter days of the Moghul Em-
peror, Jehangir. When he had reached Kabul,
Zafar Khan, who at that time acted as governor on
the part of his father Khajah Abul Hasan Turbati,
by his munificence and kindness to the poet, in-
duced him to take up his residence with him. Saib
was not ungrateful, for he celebrated through his
muse the virtues of Zafar Khan, so as to give
immortality to his name.

On the death of Jehangir, his successor. Shah
Q 2

228 SAIB.

Jehaii, bestowed the government of Kabul on Lasli-
kar Khan, when Zafar Khan hastened to the pre-
sence of his new sovereign, accompanied by Saib,
and found him making conquests in the Dek'han,
A.H. 1039. Here Saib remained some time, until
his father came from Isfahan, with the hope and
intention of taking him back with him to his native
country. In furtherance of this wish, Saib wrote a
beautiful kasideh, or elegiac poem, for Khajah Abul
Hasan and his son, Zafar Khan, entreating their
permission to depart; but the Emperor having
returned to Agrah in a.h. 1041, and shortly after
appointing Zafar Khan governor of Kashmir, the
poet accompanied his friend to that most beautiful
and interesting country. However, after some
months' enjoyment of its charming scenery, he at
length returned to Isfahan.

According to Shir Khan Ludi, Saib was offered
high appointments in the service of Shah Jehan,
which the state of his health and his ardent desire
to return to Persia induced him to decline. Shir
Khan also says that he was Melik al Shoara, or
Poet Laureat, to Shah Abbas the Second on his
return to Isfahan, and that he had seen a Diwan of
Saib that contained 80,000 couplets.

After Sciib's return to Persia, the remainder of
his life, which was a long one, was passed in ease
and comfort, lauded by all classes as the first of
living poets, and treated with distinction and kind-

SAIB. 229

ness by the Sefevi Kings of Persia, in whose reigns
he resided at Isfahan.

In A.H. 1080, A.D. 1675, this good man and
excellent poet quitted a world that he had long
adorned, and was buried at Isfahan.

The Diwan of Saib is a voluminous manuscript
of 1686 pages, transcribed in a beautiful Nastaalik
character, within black and gold lines, and with
illuminated title-page.

230

No. 2S4.—^ss\x^ g^jl:-' A HISTORY OF PERSIA,
BY WASAF.

This history of Persia, generally known as the
" Tarikh i Was'if," was written a.h. 699, a.d. 1299,
by Abdullah, the son of Fazlullah, with the poetical
title of Wasaf, or " The Describer," a native of
Shiraz. It is entitled " The Events of Ages and
" Fates of Cities," and is composed in the highest
polish of elegance of Avhich the Persian language is
susceptible.

In the " Seven Climates" it is mentioned as a
sea of literary treasure, richly filled with pearls of
eloquence of inestimable value, and is dedicated
to Sultan Muhammed Khudabandeh, whose praises
are warmly sung by the learned author, who is as
eminent in verse as in prose compositions, as is
proved by the numerous poetical illustrations flung,
with a liberal hand, over this work. The biographer
of Wasaf gives the following beautiful conceit as a
specimen of his poetry.

" The impression of the happy moments
" passed in thy loved presence will never be
" obliterated from the tablet of my heart whilst
" the world revolves, and the heavenlv bodies

WASAF. 231

*' continue their course. The pen of intense love
" has so vividly written Eternal Affection on the
" page of my soul, that if my body languish, nay,
" even if my life expire, that soft impress will
" still remain."

Happening to have this History of Persia with
me on board His Majesty's ship " Lion," when I
was proceeding from England as His Britannic
Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary to the Court
of Persia, I consulted it continually after our
entrance into the Persian Gulf, and collected from
it much valuable information respecting the southern
coast of the kingdom.

I was particularly struck with the remains of
the ancient city of Siraf, which are still very con-
spicuous, and on consulting Wasaf, found " that it
" had been a port of great eminence, and in the
'* zenith of its glory had scarcely a house in it that
" was not four stories high, of which the ground
" floors were invariably given or let to poor people

'^v ^'^ ^^j^ <^^'•^ ^^^- / r^' *^

232 WASAF.

*' and servants, whilst the upper parts were occu-
" pied by the wealthier classes."

The same author, in describing the Island of
Keis, Avliich is situated nearly opposite to Siraf,
relates the following curious anecdote, reminding us
of the memorable " Whittington, Lord Mayor of
" London Town."

" Keis, the eldest son of a man named Keiser,
" having spent the whole of his j)atrimony at Siraf,
" and disdaining to seek for service in a place where
" he had once lived in opulence, passed over to an
" island (from him called Keis) opposite to the city,
" with his two brothers, in a small skiff, and left his
" widowed mother behind, helpless and forlorn.
" The brothers built a dwelling with the branches
" and leaves of trees, and supported life with dates
'• and other fruits, the produce of the island.

" It was customary for the masters and captains
" of ships to ask the poorest people for some gift
" when they were setting out on a trading voyage,
" which they disposed of to the best advantage at
" the port to which they were bound ; and if the
" trip proved jH-osperous, and they ever returned,
" they repaid the amount of the gift or venture,
" with the profit upon it, and a present besides,
" proportionate to the good luck with which in
" their opinion the prayers of the poor donor had
" blessed their concerns.

" It so happened that the captain of a vessel

WASAF. 233

bound to India from Siraf applied for a gift to
the poor old widow of Keiser, who gave him the
only property which the extravagance of her sons
had left her, — a Persian cat. The captain, a
kind-hearted man, received the old lady's present
gratefully, although he did not consider it as the
best kind of venture for a foreign port. Heaven
had ordained otherwise. After the ship had
anchored at an Indian port, the captain waited on
the Sovereign with costly presents, as is usual,
who received the offering graciously, and invited
him to dinner in a kind and hospitable manner.
With some surprise he perceived that every dish
at table was guarded by a servant with a rod in
his hand ; but his curiosity about the cause of this
strange appearance was shortly satisfied without
asking any questions, for on looking about he
perceived hundreds of mice running on all sides,
and ready to devour the viands whenever the
vigilance of the domestics ceased but a moment.
He immediately thought of the old woman's cat,
and on the following day brought it in a cage to
the palace. The mice appeared as usual, and the
cat played her part amongst them, to the astonish-
ment and admiration of the ^Monarch and his
courtiers. The slaughter was immense.

" The captain presented the cat to his ]\Iajesty,
mentioned the case of the old lady, and the
motive for bringing so strange, but, as it turned

234 WASAF.

" out, so acceptable a freight with him, on which
" the King, happy at his delivery from the plague
" of the mice, not only rewarded the captain with
" splendid presents, but loaded his shij) with pre-
" cious articles of merchandize, the produce of his
" kingdom, to be given to the mistress of the cat,
" with male and female slaves, money, and jewels.

" When the vessel returned to Siraf, the old
" lady came down to the landing-place to ask about
" the fate of her cat, when to her great joy and
" astonishment the honest and worthy captain re-
" lated to her the fortunate result of her venture,
" and put her in possession of her newly-acquired
" wealth. She immediately sent for her son Keis
" and his brothers to share her opulence, but as
" they had collected a large settlement in their
" island, she was soon persuaded by them to ac-
" company them to it, where, by means of her
" riches, they formed more extensive connexions,
" purchased more ships, and traded largely with
" India and Arabia.

" When Keis and his friends had sufficiently
" added to their wealth by commerce, they by a
" signal act of treachery having murdered the crews
" of twelve ships from Oman and India, then at
" anchor there, seized the ships and property in
" them. With this addition to their fleet, they
" commenced a series of outrageous acts as pirates,
" and successfully resisted every attempt of the

WASAF. 235

" neighbouring states to suppress their wicked prac-
" tices. Every year added to their power and
" wealth, and at length a King was elected to the
" chief government of the island of Keis. This
" monarchy lasted for nearly two hundred years,
" until the reign of Atabeg Abubekr, a.h. 628,
" A.D. 1230, when the descendants of Keis were
" reduced to vassalage to the court of Persia."

This manuscript of 810 pages, containing the
entire five sections, was transcribed in a close Nas-
taalik character, a h. 885, a.d. 1480, enclosed
within black and gold lines. The diacritical points
are given, which in so learned a work and so difficult
to understand, is a circumstance of peculiar advan-
tage to the reader, and adds greatly to its value.

236

No. 238.— THE WORKS OF SKEIKH
FERIDUDDIN ATTAR.

MuHAMMED, the son of Ibrahim of Nishapur,
according to Doulat Shah, was the most perfect Sufi
philosopher of the age in which he lived. He was
born at a place called Kedken, appertaining to Ni-
shapur, in the reign of Sultan Sanjar, the son of
Melik Shah, and lived to the extraordinary age of
1 14 years, of which he passed twenty-nine years in
Nishapur, and the remaining eighty-five in Shady-
akh and in his pilgrimages.

At first Feriduddin followed the profession of
his respectable father, who was a druggist of emi-
nence, and kept his shop with such neatness and
order as to delight the eyes of passengers by its nice
arrangement, whilst their sense of smelling was
equally charmed by the excellence of its odoriferous
drugs and essences. He chose the word Attar,
which means Druggist, for his poetical title.

An incident is recorded as the cause of his aban-
doning his shop and becoming a Sufi philosopher.
He was one day sitting at his door with a friend
when a religious mendicant approached, and looking
anxiously and closely into the well-furnished ware-
house, heaved a deep sigh and shed tears, meditat-
ing on the transitory state of all earthly prosperity.

FERIDUDDIN ATTAR. 2S7

and on the instability of human life to enjoy the
goods of this world. Attar, mistaking the senti-
ment upperaiost in the Fakir's mind, and annoyed
at his scrutinizing looks, desired him to be gone;
to which the other replied, " Yes; I have nothing
" to prevent me from leaving your door, or, indeed,
" from abandoning the world at once, as my sole
" possession is this worn-out garment ; but O, Attar,
" I grieve for thee, for how canst thou ever bring
" thyself to think of death, leaving all these worldly
*• goods behind thee ?" To this anecdote, as given
by Doulat Shah, Amin Ahmed of Rei, the author of
the " Heft xVklim," adds a very extraordinary con-
clusion ; that on the Fakir asking Attar how he
could consent to leave the world whilst possessed of
so much wealth and prosperity, he replied that he
hoped and trusted he should die contentedly as a
Dervish ; upon which the latter saying, " We shall
" see," placed a wooden bowl, that he held in his
hand, upon the ground, laid his head upon it, called
on the name of God, and immediately resigned his
soul to his Creator. The result in both accounts
was the same upon Attar, who, almost distracted at
the words of the Dervish, gave up his shop without
a pang, renounced all worldly concerns for ever,
and commenced the study of Sufi philosophy under
the celebrated Sheikh Rekenuddin most assidu-
ously.

His proficiency in this mystic doctrine was so

238 FERIDUDDIN ATTAR.

wonderful, and his progress towards perfection so
rapid, that his language and writings obtained for
him the title of " The Scourge of all idle adepts in
" Sufyism," whilst his burning zeal in the service of
God became a bright lamp for the guidance of the
divers for the pearls of truth in the sea of mystic
knowledge.

Still, Attcir everywhere sought the society of
eminent Sufi philosophers to strengthen his acquire-
ments, and collected upwards of four hundred of
their tracts and memorials, in the perusal of which
he brought his mind to the true conception of the
one God, the contemplation of the perishable nature
of this world, and almost to a desire for the disso-
lution of his mortal existence, that his soul might
be reunited to the Beloved (Creator), from whom it
was an emanation.

After a long sojourn, and unceasing study with
Sheikh Rekenuddin and other Sufi doctors. Attar
made a pilgrimage of the holy places in Arabia,
and had the fame of possessing more knowledge of
the Sufi philosophy, as well as of its j^rofessors of
all classes and descriptions, than any living author*
so much so, that although he was known to be an
inimitable poet, he was more famous as the most
jDerfect Siifi; living as a recluse, and solely absorbed
in the contemplation of the Divine Essence, and in
dispensing his virtuous precepts to those who sin-
cerely sought his advice. Latterly, he even ab-

I

FERIDUDDIN ATTAR. 289

stained from the relaxation of poetical com-
positions.

On Attar's return from Mecca he was invested
with the Sufi mantle by the celebrated Sheikh
Majduddin of Baghdad, and received many con-
gratulations from the highest and most virtuous
of the sect. To one of those who had given him
instructions at the commencement of his religious
studies. Sheikh Kutbuddin Heider, Attar dedicated
one of his numerous compositions.

After Attar's death, an eminent Sufi was asked
to whom he ascribed the more profound knowledge
in his mystic doctrine, Jelaluddin Rumi or Feri-
duddin Attar; he answered, " The former, like an
" eagle, flew up to the height of perfection in the
" twinkling of an eye ; the latter reached the same
*' summit, but it was in crawling slowly and per-
" severingly, like an ant."

When Chengiz Khan invaded Persia one of his
soldiers seized uj^on Feriduddin, and was about to
put him to death, when another Moghul, pitying the
aged man, and interested by his unaffected piety
and resignation, offered to purchase his life for a
thousand dirhems. The offer would have been
gladly accepted, but that Attar, anxious that the
bird (his soul) should be emancipated from the cage
of its mortal coil, advised his captor to refuse the
price offered, as he might depend upon meeting
with a better customer. After waiting some time,

240 FERIDUDDIN ATTAR.

another JNIoghul came up, and adverting to the
great age of the captive, offered for him a bag of
horse fodder. Attar, smiling, said, " This is my full
value, — sell me," when the JNIoghul, annoyed at
having refused the first good offer, in a passion im-
mediately murdered him.

The town of Shadyakh, where Attar had passed
so large a portion of his long life, was destroyed
shortly after the Sheikh's martyrdom.

The chief Kazi of Nishapur, Yehia bin Saad,
havino- had the misfortune to lose his son, was ad-
vised to have him buried at the foot of Attar's
sepulchre, that the propinquity of such sanctified
remains might ensure for him a happy future, but
proud of his official greatness, he indignantly re-
fused to do so, saying that his son's body would be
disgraced by being placed at the feet of an old
reciter of tales and composer of verses. He there-
fore chose a different resting-place for his son. On
the night of the burial, he saw in a dream the
Sheikh's tomb all splendid with supernatural bright-
ness, and surrounded by the souls of the pure and
holy, holding thousands of torches to shew respect
and honour to his remains. His deceased son also
appeared to him, and reproached him for not allow-
ing him to be interred at the foot of Attar's grave,
the vicinity to so much sanctity being sure to pro-
cure him a seat in Paradise : he also entreated him,
ere it was too late, to transport his coffin to the
sacred spot.

FERIDUDDIN ATTAR. 241

The Kazi arose, waited upon the Sheikh's
friends with humble repentance and apology, and
having obtained tlieir permission, disinterred his
son's corpse, and placed it, according to the direc-
tions of the dream, close to the feet of Attar. He
afterwards became himself a true believer in the
Sheikh's sanctity, and erected a handsome monu-
ment over his grave, on the outside of the town of
Shadyakh, which, after an interval of many years,
was repaired, beautifully ornamented, and surrounded
with gardens and buildings by the great patron of
learned men, the liberal and generous Prince Amir
Ali Shir.

Exclusive of his prose works, Attar composed
upwards of 120,000 couplets of poetry, of which
12,000 are tetrastics; and his elegiac compositions
were so highly considered, as to have merited com-
mentaries both in verse and prose by some of the
most eminent authors of that period, and par-
ticularly by Seyed Azzuddin of Amal.

Sheikh Feriduddin was born a. h. 513, a.d. 1119,
and was put to death a.h. 627, a.d. 1229.

This voluminous manuscript of 1870 pages,
transcribed in one uniform and beautiful Nastaalik
character from the beginning to the end, contains
the works of Feriduddin Attar, according to the fol-
lowing list. Each separate book has an illuminated
title-page, and on the fly leaves of them appears
the royal seal of one of its former possessors. Sultan

R

242 FERIDUDDIN ATTAR.

Muhammed Kutbshah, with the date of 1020, or
A.D. 1611.

No. 1. Tezkiret al Aulia — Memoirs of Saintly Per-
sonages. In two Parts.

2. Juaher al Zat — Jewels of the Soul.

3. Lisan ul Ghaib — The Hidden Voice.

4. Mazher al Aajaib — The Theatre of Mira^-

cles.

5. Wasalet Nameh — The Book of Conjunc-

tions. Amongst other curious occur-
rences in this poem, Shah INlahmud of
Ghazni's conquest of Soranath, and his
breaking in pieces the Idol Lat, are re-
corded ; from which he obtained the title
(so glorious to a Musulman) of " But
" Sheken," or the " Iconoclast."

6. Khiisru va Gul — The King and the Rose.

7. Bulbul Nameh— The Book of the Nightin-

gale.

8. Heft Wadi— The Seven Valleys.

9. Pend Nameh — The Book of Reflection and

Thought.

10. Ilahi Nameh— The Book of God.

11. Masibat Nameh — The Book of Disaster.

12. Mantik al Teir— The Rhetoric of Birds.

13. Asrar Nameh — The Book of Secrets.

14. Ashter Nameh — The Book of Camels.

15. Wasiat Nameh— The Book of Precept.

FERIDUDDIN ATTAR. 243

No. 16. Bisernatneli — The Book without a Head.

17. Kenz ul Hakaik— The Treasury of Theo-

logy.

18. Miftah ul Fatuh— The Key to Victories.

19. Diwan Attar — The Diwan, or Collection of

Odes, by Attar.

20. Mukhtar Nameh— The Book of Selections.

Tetrastics.

R 2

244

No. 239.— BASHASHAT AL KALM.

"the delights of conversation.""

The author of this amusing little game, JMelik-
uddin, informs us in his preface that his brother,
Muhammed Nazim, had composed a work in Per-
sian entitled, "The Play of Sweethearts" (some-
what resembling the English game of " I love my
" love with an A because she is amiable," &zc.), which
had obtained universal praise and approbation. The
thirty-two letters of the alphabet became succes-
sively the initials of the sweethearts' names and
descriptions, to which were added a couplet, a
tetrastic, a Mukhemis (a verse of five stanzas), a
Ghazal (ode), and a Kitaa (sentence,) all beginning
with the same initial. INIelikuddin, in imitation
of his brother's work, composed "The Bashashat
" al Kalm," in which he has introduced, in addition
to the varied forms of Persian verse, as above
described, some verses in the Hindi language, viz.,
a Rikhtah, a Duhera, a Peheili (riddle), a IMakran,
a Kebt, and a Pak'haneh, all commencing with
the same letter, as the name and description of
the beloved.

The introduction of the Hindi language, how-

BASHASHAT AL KALM. 245

ever, reduced the number of initials and "sweet-
" hearts" to twenty, twelve letters of the Persian
alphabet not having corresponding ones in the
Hindi.

It will be seen that in the Indian game more
is required of the players than in the English
one. It thus begins, " My beloved is arrived.
'Say from whence? From Akberabad. Where
' is she going? To Aurangabad. What is her
' name ? Ander Kiiar. Of what caste is she ?
' Ahirni (shepherdess). On what does she travel ?
Asp (on a horse). What is her food ? Anar
' (pomegranate). AVhat present does she bring ?
' Angiir (grapes). What is her dress ? Atlas
' (satin). What is her ornament ? Angushteri (a
' ring}. On what musical instrument does she
' play ? Arghanun (the organ). In which of the
' modes of music? Asaveri (one of the Hindu
' Ragnis)."

The questions end here, and the compositions
commence in Persian and Hindi poetry, of which
one specimen will suffice.

*;-< j^ t> u^-ij^ ^3j->^ 4^Ur <5^
«IX«*AJ _j\jy*' .s-i^ ^'^^. ^ }i'^ A Cj^^ '^j

" Ah fatal bow of thy eyebrow ! I am a sacri-
" fice ; for thy silken eyelash, like an arrow, has

246 BASHASHAT AL KALM.

" SO deeply pierced my heart, that the feathers of
" the shaft are no longer visible."

This little manuscript of sixty-eight pages was
transcribed by Surjpershad in a Shekestah cha-
racter, A.H. 1144, A.D. 1731.

247

No. 102.~MAJALIS AL AASHAK.

" THE ASSEMBLIES OF LOVERS."

This very extraordinary Sufi composition, which
pourtrays the love of the created to the Creator, and
the wish of the soul to be reunited to the Godhead,
from which it is an emanation, is the work of Sultan
Htisein, the son of Sultan Mansur, the son of Bai-
kara INIirza, the son of Omar Sheikh Mirza, the son
of the great Timur.

There are seventy-five " Assemblies," or Meet-
ings of Lovers, and each assembly is illustrated with
a beautiful miniature painting in splendid colouring.
The personages are as follows: —

1. Iman Jaafer — the Sincere.

2. Sheikh Ziialnun.

3. Ibn Ibrahim Adhem.

4. Taifur bin Isa bin Adam al Bustami.

5. Husein bin Mansur Helaj.

6. Sheikh Abul Hasan Kherkani.

7. Sultan Abusaaid Abul Kheir.

8. Khajah Abdullah al Ansari.

9. Imam Ahmed Ghazali.

10. Abul Majd Hakim Sanai.

1 1 . Sheikh Ghain al Kazat.

248 MAJALIS AL AASHAK.

12. Ahmed i Jam.

13. Sheikh Oiihed al Kermani.

14. Sheikh Ouhedi.

15. Sheikh Shahabuddin.

16. Sheikh Saaduddln Hamui.

17. Sheikh Ruz Behan.

18. Sheikh Majduddin Baghdadi.

19. Sheikh Nujmuddin Kiberi.

20. Sheikh Sanaan.

21. Khajah Hasan Sultan al Arifein.

22. Sheikh Feriduddin Attar.

23. Sheikh Ibn Fariz.

24. Sheikh Mohiniiddin Aarabi.

25. Shams al Tabrizi.

26. Sheikh Nujmuddin Razi.

27. Sheikh Seifuddin Bakharzi.

28. Sheikh Aziz Nisfi.

29. Mulana Jelaluddin Riimi al Balkhi.

30. Fakhruddin Iraki.

31. Sheikh Saadi Shinizi.

32. Amir Seyed Huseini.

33. Sheikh Mahmiid Shabisteri.

34. Amir Khusru Dehlevi.

35. Sultan Husein Akhlati.

36. Amir Seyed Ali Hamdaiii.

37. Khajah Bahauddin Nakshband.

38. Pehlwan Mahmiid Puriar.

39. Mulana Lutfullah Neishapiiri.

40. Khajah Hafiz Shirazi.

MAJALIS AL AASHAK. 249

41. Mulana Saaduddin Taftamni.

42. Amir Sejed Slierif.

43. Muliammed Shirin Meghrebi.

44. Sheikh Kamal Khejendi.

45. Amir Makhtum.

46. Khajah Abulwafa.

47. Kasim al Anwar.

48. Amir Seyed Emaduddin Nasimi.

49. Mulana Husein Kharizmi.

50. Mulana Sherfuddin Ali.

51. Amir Seyed Hakimi.

52. Sheikh Dadeh Omar.

53. Mulana Muhammed Tabadkari.

54. Khajah Abdullah.

55. Mulana Abdurrahman Jami.

56. Suliman and Belkis.

57. Sikander Zu'l Kernein, and the Hindu
Princess.

58. Ferhad and Shirin.

59. Keis INlajnun and Leili.

60. Khiisru Shah Ibn Kaiser.

61. Shah ]\lahmud Ibn Sabaktegin.

62. Abulfateh Sultan Jelaluddin Melik Shah.

63. Sultan Muhammed bin Melik Shah.

64. Abul Mazafar Amir Seyed Ismail Kilaki.

65. Sultan Masaoud Ibn Sultan Muhammed
bin Melik Shah Siljuki.

66. Sanjar bin Melik Shah Alep Arslan.

67. Abul Fateh Ibrahim Sultan.

250 MAJALIS AL AASHAK.

68. Baber bin Baisankar Padshah.

69. Shahzadeh Pir Badagh bin Jehan Shah.

70. Sultan Yakub.

71. Abul Nejib al Khezari.

72. An anonymous distracted Lover.

73. Sheikh Azeri.

74. Amir Kymaluddin Husein al Farai.

75. The royal author himself, Sultan Husein,
who reigned a.h. 875, a.d. 1470, and died a.d.
1505.

The Lovers, of whose lives our royal author pro-
fesses to give some slight sketches, were not all
lovers in the general acceptation of the word.
Some, it is true, like Suliman, Majnun, and Ferhad,
bestowed their affections on the fairest works of
nature's hands; but the greater number, particu-
larly the Sheikhs and Sufi poets, professed the most
ardent, although Platonic admiration for individuals
of their own sex, remarkable for beauty or talent,
declaring that they were adoring the Creator whilst
loving and admiring his beautiful handywork, whe-
ther corporeal or intellectual; and boasting that
their love was the more pure in being unmixed with
all carnal sensuality, such as it must be if bestowed
upon individuals of the other sex.

This most beautiful manuscript of 394 pages
was written in the finest Nastaalik character by
Ferid al Kateb, a.h. 959, a.d. 1551, within red, blue,

MAJALIS AL AASHAK. 251

and gold lines, on paper powdered with gold. The
illuminations are very richly executed.

This gem, being the composition of a king, had
a suitable fine penman to transcribe it. Ferid,
celebrated in Doulat Shah's JMemoirs as a poet, was
also famous for his beautiful penmanship, for which
he obtained the title of Al Kateb, or " The Scribe."

252

THE DIWAN OF NEZIRI.

MuLANA MuHAMMED HusEiN (Neziri) was born at
Nishapur, and was generally esteemed a man of
eminent abilities and a master in the art of poetry;
his fine open countenance truly indicated the
genuine benevolence and liberality of his dispo-
sition. Originally a goldsmith in his native city,
a desire to see the world and a love of travel at an
early age induced him to depart from it, and
sojourn for some time at Kashan, beloved and re-
spected by his fellow poets Hatem of Kashan,
Fahami, IMaksud, Shujaa, and Rezai, although vastly
excelling them in the beauty and sweetness of his
poetry.

With Abdullah Beg he journeyed eastward, and
arriving in Hindustan, had the happiness of being
presented to the munificent favour and patronage
of Abdurrahim Khan, the Commander-in-chief of
the Imperial forces, and Khan i Khanan. His
talents, and the delightful charms of his conversa-
tion, soon raised him beyond all competitors in the
good graces of his patron, M'ho, ere long, introduced
him to the notice of the Moghul Emperor Jehangir.
On being requested by that monarch to compose a
poem on the palace which he was then building,

THE DIWAN OF NEZIRI. 253

Neziri recited extempore an ode, of which the fol-
lowing is a couplet : —

" O ! may the dust of thy threshold be
" received as powdered sandal-wood on the
*' heads of chiefs ! May the eyelashes of
" crowned heads be the besoms of thy road !"

The Emperor, for this extravagant compliment,
bestowed upon him three thousand acres of land.

The author of the " Zekhiret al Khuanin" in-
forms us that Neziri having, from curiosity, asked
the Khan i Khanan one day what the bulk of a lac
of rupees in gold might be, that generous noble
friend sent that sum in gold all in one lump ; and
when Neziri, having satisfied his curiosity, was
about to restore it, the Khan insisted on his keep-
ing it for himself. Such was the patronage of
literary merit in India at that period!

In the " Mather i Rehimi" it is asserted that
Nezhi was the first Persian of eminent talents who
had entered the Khan i Khanan's service, and that
the gifts presented to him were of great value, and
of frequent occurrence. Yet his natural disposition
was so very amiable and conciliatory, that, although

254 THE DIWAN OF NEZIRI.

placed in an enviable situation, he enjoyed the
friendship and esteem of the poets Urfi and Shekibi,
and all the other competitors for Abdurrahim's
favour.

In A.H. 1020 he proceeded on a pilgrimage to
INIecca from the port of Surat, and on taking leave
of his patron, composed a poem in his praise, which
was rewarded by a sum sufficient for all his ex-
penses of travelling.

Whilst at Mecca he wrote some beautiful verses
in praise of that holy place, and an elegy on the
the death of one of the Timiirian Princes, Shahza-
deh Murad, on reading which aloud in the presence
of the Khalifah, he drew tears from the eyes of
every person who listened to him. He also com-
posed a beautiful elegy on the death of his dear
friend Husein Senai that was much admired.

It is mentioned in a book entitled " The Sayings
" of Poets" that another poet had adopted the Tak-
halus (poetical title) of Neziri, which rendered it
necessary to distinguish Muhammed Husein as
Neziri of Nishapiu*. A council of poets, however,
confident of the generous disposition of Neziri, and
knowing that he was rich, whilst his namesake was
poor, negotiated and ordained that the former should
purchase one letter (the final ya) from the latter at
the price of 10,000 rupees (ya being the numeral
ten), which was at once liberally agreed to ; so that
the poor " Neziri" became " Nezir," but at the

THE DIWAN OF NEZIRI. 255

same time a richer man than he ever expected to be
as "Neziri," and Nishapuri was left in undisputed
possession of his Takhalus, " Neziri,"

The unequalled beauty of Neziri 's poetry ob-
tained for him the highest praises from his own
countrymen, as well as the poets of Hindiistan, par-
ticularly of the celebrated ]\Iirza BIdil. He was
universally allowed to be a perfect master in the
art of poetry, and his odes are quoted as the best
model of lyric lore. The famous Saib says of
him —

" O Saib, what a fancy to conceive you should
" ever equal Neziri ! Even Urfi could never
" reach his power of song."

Yet Saib was celebrated for his odes, and Urfi
for his elegies. Said in another of his poems praises
the incomparable talents of Neziri, whom he desig-
nates as the " sweet-voiced nightingale of Nisha-
" pur," &c.

The date of Neziri's death in the Tabakat Shah-
jehani is erroneous. The author of the JNIather
Rehimi, who was his contemporary and friend, says,
that having passed some time in the province of

256 THE DIWAN OF NEZIRI.

Gujrat on his return from Mecca, the air of which
country agreed with his constitution, he proceeded
to the residence of his patron and friend, the Khan i
Khanan, in whose library he deposited a fair copy
of his Diwan in a.h. 1022, and returned to Ahmeda-
bad in Gujrat, from which place he made his long
last journey, a.h. 1028, a.d. 1614, and was buried in
a mosque which he had erected near his own dwell-
ing. Sherfuddin Ali has left a description of his
mausoleum in that city.

His Diwan contains nearly 10,000 couplets.

This manuscript of 474 pages was transcribed in
the Shefiaa character in the fourteenth year of the
reign of the Emperor Shah Aalem by Barkat ullali
Khan, as a memorial of his affection for Mirza Abii
Ali Khan Hatef.

FRAGMENTS.

THE SEVEN FACES.

The explorers of knowledge have elicited this truth
from the treasury of Secrets, that one end of the
scales of Destiny in Heaven is occasionally weighed
down by a jewel of inestimable value, and as often
sunk by a worthless stone. The balance in this
lower world of various hue, vibrates in a similar
manner; your good or bad fortune may obtain for
you from the mine of Fate, either a precious gem,
or a valueless rock; and even Kings are not exempt
from this uncertain doom, for to them children
prove to be either the sparkling jewel, or the un-
seemly stone. The same mine will not always pro-
duce gems of equal lustre; at times you expect a
diamond, and find a flint; again, you would be satis-
fied with a garnet, but are delighted in perceiving
that it proves to be a ruby of the finest water and
colour. Jewels and rude stones are in the same
proportion of comparison to each other as the
Prince Behram was to his father. King Yezdegird,
which is an illustration of the remarkable fact, that
rough stone is allied to the loveliest crystal^ and

s 2

200 THE SEVEN FACES.

detestable thorns to the tenderest and sweetest
roses. Thus a wise Creator in his kindness sent
Behram to heal the wounds of those who suffered
from the tyranny of his father, Yezdegird.

On the bright dawn of Behram's birth the
learned alchymists of the spheres were ordered
carefully to examine the predicting signs of his
nativity. Their crucibles were filled with precious
metals, their hands with pearls and jewels. They
found that the scales of the Prince's fortune were
weighed down with splendour, conquest, and uni-
versal dominion, for his birth was blessed by the
happiest conjunction of the planets. Pisces first,
and Jupiter in Pisces, united with Venus, as the
bright red colour is condensed in the beauteous
ruby ; whilst the Moon rose in Taurus, jNIercury in
Gemini, the ascendant of Mars in Leo, the bright
Sun setting in Aries denoted unfading glory, and
Saturn retiring from Aquarius, and followed by his
train, betokened that the enemies of the Prince
would be given to the winds. In short, there was
not a planet that did not bear testimony to the
excellence of his future destiny.

When Behram, as has been described, was born
under this auspicious conjunction of beneficent
planets, his father, Yezdegird, was only just awaking
from a long dream of vanity and folly, and reflecting
seriously on his former life, he felt that all human
anticipations are uncertain, and that those who sow

i

THE SEVEN FACES. 261

the seeds of injustice must expect to reap only the
weeds of disappointment. For the twenty pre-
ceding years he had several times been blessed with
male offspring, but as they had all been snatched
from him during the early dawn of infancy, the
astrologers recommended that this most beautiful
infant should be immediately conveyed out of the
kingdom of Persia, to be nursed and educated in
Arabia, in the hope that diversity of region might
bring a happy alteration of circumstances, according
to the words of the proverb, "Change of place,
" change of fortune."

The father, happy by any sacrifice to secure the
existence of his son, consented to deprive himself
of the fascinating blandishments of infantine affec-
tion, and far from his own dominions, this afflicted
monarch, like Canojjus, erected the throne of his
hopes in the land of Yemen*.

He sent people to summon the good Arabian
Prince Naoman to his court, that he might plant
this lovely budding tulip in his garden, with the
prospect of one day seeing it expand its leaves and
blow like a perfect anemone f.

* According to received opinion in the East, Soheil, or
Canopus, first rises in Yemen, or Arabia Felix, where the Dog
Star's influence was recognised.

f A play on the word " Naoman,'" which is the name of the
Arabian prince, and also an anemone. Naoman was the son of
Amri al Keis.

262 THE SEVEN FACES.

"Prepare for my child," said lie, "the trappings
" of royalty, but give his mind lessons of pure piety,
" which Kings should possess in an eminent degree,
" and unaffected humility, that may ultimately en-
" able him to perform the duties ordained by Heaven
" for Kings."

The friendly Naoman received the young Prince
from the royal cradle; his own bosom, during a
lengthened journey into Yemen, was his place of
repose. A wet nurse, whose breast was as the foun-
tain of life, reared him tenderly for four years in
the lap of abundance, so that he resembled the
royal lion's cub in strength and activity. But
Naoman, who was all anxiety for the welfare of his
trust, thus addressed his son Menzer : " You know,
" my dear child, that the air of this place is very
" dry, and that of my other palace is much too wet,
" whilst the constitution of Prince Behram, although
" apparently strong, is, I fear, extremely tender.
" Let us seek a site for a residence for him, that
" shall raise its head to the clouds. In such an
" altitude the Young Eagle can expand his wings,
" and invigorate his constitution by inhaling the
" breath of the northern breeze; and thus will his
" intellect receive its fullest culture, far removed
" from the dense atmosphere of a humid soil, or the
" suffocating dust of a j)arched region."

THE SEVEN FACES. 2Gt

CHAPTER II.

Of the Architect Semnar, and the building of
Khavarnak.

In obedience to the commands of his father, Menzer
sought all over his dominions for such a palace or
castle as might be suitable for his royal charge ; but
although he employed many zealous and skilful
assistants in the search, his exertions were fruitless.
At length it was reported to Naoman that an archi-
tect of wonderful talent resided in Greece, named
Semnar, (a descendant of the celebrated Sam,) in
whose hands the hardest rocks, plastic as wax, were
thrown into the most varied and beautiful forms.
This matchless builder had raised many sumptuous
palaces in Syria and Egypt, each of which, in its
particular taste, was a model of perfection. Indians,
Greeks, and Chinese were equally humbled by the
superiority of his abilities.

As a person, whose art could raise a structure
even of clay so high and glorious as to steal away
the light from the stars, like Pliny, was best calcu-
lated to gratify Naoman's wishes, he was anxious to
possess a builder of such wonderful talents, and sent
offers of a very tempting nature to Semnar and
succeeded in enticing him away from his admirers
in Greece.

Materials of every description being profusely

264 THE SEVEN FACES.

supplied, and the wishes of Naoman perspicuously
explained to the architect, the mighty work com-
menced, and by incessant labour was completed at
the end of the fifth year. The finishing was so
exquisite, as to give to the stone and cement the
lustre of gold and silver. Around its huge dome
he painted the heavenly planets; its turrets and
towers resembled the mansions of the moon. A
sight of it to a person wearied and fatigued became
a restorative balsam like the most refreshing sleep
and the thirsty by looking on it felt the most grate-
ful moisture descend on their parched lips. The
sun's reflected rays from this bright building bound
a fillet over the gazing eyes, similar to the effect
produced by the dazzling refulgence of a Houri's
glance. Within, it was the picture of paradise ;
without, it showed the grace and grandeur of the
heavenly spheres. From its rich varnish of glue
and milk the surrounding landscapes were reflected
as from the brightest mirror.

With the continued toils of days and nights
this beauteous palace, like a lovely bride, came
forth in ornaments of varied colour, for three could
be plainly distinguished — cerulian blue, pure white,
and dazzling yellow. The reflection of the bright
blue of the morning dyed it in the sweet tint of the
sapphire; the noon-tide rays cast upon it the daz-
zling hue of the topaz; and when the sun placed on
his head a dark cap of cloud, this wonderful build-

THE SEVEN FACES. 265

ing appeared to the admiring eye in the modest
white of the lily. Thus, according to the quantity
of light thrown upon its surface, did it imitate the
various complexions of the European and the
African.

When Semnar had finished this costly edifice,
so much beyond the expectation of his employer,
his merits were duly appreciated, and his labours
crowned with the highest applause. It was named
Khavarnak. The reward of the architect's success-
ful skill was not confined to praise alone; for
Naoman showered on him gifts of double the value
that his fondest expectations could ever have
fancied; camel loads of pure gold, pearls and pre-
cious stones, amber and musk, and all in such
abundant portions as would enable him to pass a
long life in the affluence of wealth. Naoman was
aware that he who wishes to possess splendid works
of art, must throw wide the gates of liberality. A
cook who is sparing of spice, condiment, and fuel,
cannot expect that the feast will be admired by
the invited guests.

When the architect experienced this unlooked-
for bounty, he apologized, and said: "O King, had
" I anticipated such nobleness and generosity, I
" should have bestowed two-fold exertion on my
" work, and made it infinitely more worthy of your
" Highness's greatness and munificence." " What,"
cried Naoman, "do you conceive it possible that

266 THE SEVEN FACES.

" with a larger supply of materials, and a promise
" of higher compensation for your labours, you
" could build anything more beautiful than Khavar-
"nak?" "Yes, Sire," replied Semnar; " if your
" JMajesty wished for something absolutely incom-
" parable, I could erect such a palace, that Khavar-
" nak should appear a mere nothing in comparison.
" In this I have only made use of three colours; in
" that a hundred different tints should unite their
" varied excellence. That which was common stone
" in the one should be the finest ruby in the other.
" Khavarnak possesses but one dome, but the other,
" like the etherial world, should glory in seven."

Naoman coloured up with heated anger on
hearing this vain boasting, and his inflamed coun-
tenance caused a conflagration in the stores of
manly beneficence.

A king is a fire, from the blaze of which he
only is secure, who looks on it from afar. His fire
is a rose garden, in which a person may load himself
with fair flowers, but he will one day find that a
thorn from amongst them has pierced his heart. A
king is as the tendril of a vine, which entwineth not
itself around the cautious man, who keepeth his
due distance; but woe to the man who approaches
to unequal intimacy, from which disentanglement is
impossible but with the loss of life.

Naoman's pride suggested that, if Semnar was
allowed to live, possibly some rival in wealth and

f

THE SEVEN FACES. 267

power might through his means be enabled to erect
a palace of greater celebrity than his own, he there-
fore ordered his people to put him to death.

Thus did they dig up this cypress from the
garden of life; his eyes were covered, and he was
thrown from the summit of the palace. Behold
the waywardness of destiny, which made the proud
monument of his skill and labour, the unconscious
instrument of his destruction ! In a number of
tedious years he raised this palace to its unparal-
leled altitude, yet in one short moment he was
hurled to dissolution at its base; long was he in
reaching its summit, but rapid was his fall to its
foundation. Heedlessly did he light up a fire in
which he was himself ultimately to be consumed.
When he raised the building with labour and perse-
verance to the height of one hundred yards, little
was he aware that in death he should measure its
descent. Had he anticipated that its altitude would
prove his destruction, he would have desisted when
the walls reached three yards elevation. Ascend
with fear and caution the steps of a throne, that if
you fall you may not be crushed to death, from
your previous elevation.

The name of Naoman was raised as high as the
heavens, in consequence of his being the possessor
of this wonderful edifice. By some was he named
the "Absolute Enchanter," by others he was distin-
guished as the ''Lord of Khavarnak."

2G8 THE SEVEN FACES.

As soon as this most magnificent palace and its
deliglitful gardens were finished, in honour of
Prince Behram, the fame of its fascinating beauties
went forth to the world. Hundreds of thousands
came from all quarters to feast their ejes on this
matchless building, and all declared their wonder
and their admiration of its various perfections. It
eclipsed the fame of the Garden of Eden, and made
Yemen a place of worship, for Yemen, being known
as the country in which Khavarnak was situated,
became celebrated in the world as the Garden of
Irem.

This heart-enlivening residence then became the
home of Behram, who, when he sat on its enchant-
ing terraces, seemed to inhale nectar from the
goblet of Venus. The interior of its delightful
banquetting-room showed the brilliancy of the noon-
tide ray, whilst its exterior was chastened to the
paler tint of silvery moonlight. Looking down
from its windows, Behram beheld within the pre-
cincts of this retreat, every accessary to health and
enjoyment, spacious towns, rich villages, soft running
streams like the waters of life, a forest in front for
the chace of wild beasts, and woods in the back-
ground, a preserve for game. May the chilling
blast never wither thy fresh borders ! ]\Iay thy gay
parterres long escape the desolating storm of wintry
decay!

When Naoman sat with Behram in this stately

THE SEVEN FACES. 2G9

palace, feasting his eyes with its numerous beauties,
and inhaling the fragrant odours of its flower-
scented bowers, his heart became elated, and he
exclaimed in pride and exultation, " What can sur-
" pass the charms of this paradise ? Here then let
" me live and taste the sweet enjoyments of life;
" for surely nothing can equal its enchanting volup-
"tuousness!" His vizir, a just and upright man,
and a worshipper of the Messiah, being present,
said, with humility blended with firmness, "Alas, O
" King! that you should set your heart upon fine
" colours and sweet odours! believe me, a true and
" intimate knowledge of the Deity is infinitely more
" delightful than the most exquisite pleasures of a
" sublunary nature. If you acquire even a small
" share of this most desirable intelligence, depend
" upon it, the value of your mundane possessions
" will fade and vanish from before your eyes."

The words of the pious minister made a deep
impression on the mind of Naoman. His admo-
nition, like an etherial spark, lighted up the flame
of true devotion in his bosom. The King descended
from the lofty towers, which had been raised to the
clouds by wonderful skill, and divesting himself of
the trappings of royalty, resigning power and trea-
sure, he fled solitary to the desert, absorbed in the
contemplation of his Creator; for he believed that
true faith was incompatible with the love of worldly
possessions.

270 THE SEVEN FACES.

Thus, like Kai Kbiisru, Naoni;\ii excliaiiged a
splendid throne for a den of wild beasts.

INIenzer, in great grief, searched for his beloved
parent throughout the kingdom, but his exertions
proved fruitless, for he was never heard of more.
At length, after mourning a considerable time, (as
was due to the memory of so excellent a father,) he
felt obliged to assume the government of his coun-
try. Late events had improved his naturally good
disposition, so that he dispensed justice with an
impartial hand, and regulated the affairs of his
kingdom with great prudence and wisdom.

Menzer regarded Behram as the light of his
eyes; no father could love a son with fonder affec-
tion, and the circumstance that his son, who was
named Naoman, had imbibed milk from the same
breast that gave nourishment to Behram, helped to
cement the affectionate union. These two bloom-
ing Princes, of equal age, and similar inclinations,
were never a moment asunder; as the sun is ever
accompanied by light, so shone the youthful Nao-
man about his beloved Behram. They read toge-
ther, and made great proficiency in the arts,
sciences, and languages. They were taught Arabic,
Persian, and Greek, and studied the ethics and
moral philosophy of the fire worshippers. The
King, Menzer, was himself a miracle of knowledge;
the motions of the heavenly bodies, the seven
planets, and the twelve signs of the Zodiac were

THE SEVEN FACES. 271

ranged in order before his enlightened under-
standing. He was also deeply versed in arith-
metic, a perfect almegist in pure and mixed
mathematics, and an unequalled astronomer and
astrologer.

Seeing that the Persian Prince was well inclined
to the cultivation and acquirement of knowledge,
this accomplished King devoted his talents and his
time to perfecting his education. The surprising
evolutions of the heavens, and the wondrous mys-
teries of the earth, with the most hidden secrets of
nature, he one by one explained to his enraptured
mind; so that in a short time Behram became a
proficient in the principles of every science, and
attained a practical knowledge of the astronomical
tables, and of the use of the astrolabe. When
Menzer found his pupil all perfect in literary and
scientific accomplishments, he instructed him in the
royal and manly exercise of gav and changan, the
management of a horse, and the uses of sword,
spear, bow and arrows, in all of which he became so
expert, that he seemed able to pull off the nails
from the strong talons of the lion, and tear out the
eyes of the watchful wolf

The bright sword (ray) of the morning's dawn
yielded the palm in splendour to his shield-piercing
spear, the SAvift course of its blushing hours ap-
peared loitering by slow, compared with his steed's
rapid onset. With as much ease as others could

272

THE SEVEN FACES.

pierce silken vestments would his flying arrow
transfix the hardest rock. His unerring aim was so
wonderful, that the sleeping bird on the loftiest tree
of the forest, received his arrow's point without
again opening his eyes, thus sealed in the sleep of
death. When he struck the flinty rock with his
highly-watered blade, the stone itself gave way as
water, but water the colour of flame. The impe-
tuous thrust of his spear passed through the hardest
oak of the forest with just as much facility as if
pushed against the suspended ring. There appeared
to be no resistance. His arrow rushed clean through
the thick neck and mane of the fiercest lion; his
sword hewed down the opposing entrance (the
dragon) of the hidden treasure chamber. When
shooting at a mark, his pointed arrow-head divided
a slender hair, and whether the object was far or
near, if even a shadow or the light itself, his
unerring shaft was sure to reach it; nay, such
was his good fortune that animals even out of
common bow-shot distance fell a prey to his fateful
arrow.

He fought with the tiger and wrestled with the
lion as a matter of amusement, and his name in
Arabia became so famous for valour and skill in
arms, that they called him " The Star of Yemen."
Like that of Canopus, the influence of Behram's
beauty illuminated all Arabia Felix with the bright-
est hue of red; it was reflected on the countenance

4

THE SEVEN FACES. 273

of tlie loving Naoman in the same manner that
Canopus colonrs the soft leather of Arabia.

Beliram, in his affection for Naoman, had almost
forgotten his love for IMenzer. The former, in
kindness, was the fondest of brothers, the other, in
careful solicitude, a most tender father. But "why
should we use the terms of father and brother?
rather, was the one a faithful slave, and the other
an ever watchful attendant. Menzer, his friendly
tutor, imbuing his mind with the entire circle ol
human sciences; Naoman, his intimate companion,
adorning his social hours with his attractive converse.
The one strengthening his intellect by philosophical
exertions, the other giving accomplishments to his
person by the occasional soft indulgence of pleasur-
able sensations.

Thus did Behram reach the years of maturity
with a fame and celebrity that extended from earth
to heaven.

Of Behram's Manner of Hunting.

When the all-accomplished Behram had finished
his education, the pleasures of the chace and the
charms of wine and the banquet wholly occupied
his time. The hunting-ground was strewed with
the carcases of various beasts that he had de-
stroyed; whenever his arrow flew from the bow

T

274

THE SEVEN FACES.

the fleet giir's rapid flight was arrested by the
hand of death. He possessed a steed of such im-
coinmon swiftness, that his feet outstripped the
wind; patient of fatigue, and obedient to the bit,
his legs seemed as wings appended to his body; the
lively cricket was disgraced by his more active
jumps, and he marked his swift passage over the
plain in characters of light; he even won the prize
of fleetness from the sun and moon in their rapid
revolutions; having allowed the wind to precede
him at starting in the race, he, still, hundreds of
times passed it, so that his tail alone was visible.
The graves of a hundred gurs were dug out by his
hoof, and yet, notwithstanding the frequency of his
speedy exertions, Behram never had occasion to
mount a second horse, so indefatigable were his
powers.

When this wonderful steed, Ashker, with the
fleet hoof of the gur, was placed under the saddle,
his quick and graceful evolutions drew applause
even from the wild ass itself, although the victim of
his matchless speed, for he left the most renowned
hunters far behind, and pierced the flanks of the
fleetest gurs with his hoofs.

When the valorous horseman, Behram, threw
this graceful Ashker into his managed evolutions,
the plains became impressed with beautiful figures,
like a picture gallery, from the varied turnings of
his trampling feet; and the desert was, as it were,

THE SEVEN FACES. 275

excavated iuto graves for the unfortunate gurs
vvliora he ran down to death.

The weight of the deer and wild asses killed by
the Prince exceeded that of a ponderous mountain,
yet his Avonderful steed required not a word of
encouragement or rebuke to increase his speed.

Mounted on him, with a noose in his hand, he
caught thousands of gurs alive, but of all those he
thus took he never killed any but those that had
reached the fourth year; the rest he branded on the
thigh with his own name, and turned loose again,
with directions to the Grand Huntsman to spare
them. Those thus marked were seldom taken
again, or if by chance one in a thousand were
brought in, the hunter, seeing the King's name,
kissed the mark, and sent him again to wander in
peace over his native hills and valleys.

The Adventure of the liioN and the Gur.

The hero Behram one day sallied forth to enjoy the
chace in Yemen, JNIenzer on one side, and Naoman
on the other, and accompanied by many celebrated
warriors of the country. Whilst all were admiring
the beauty of his countenance, the majesty of his
figure, and the graceful dignity of his seat on horse-
back, suddenly a cloud of dust rose at a distance,
which seemed to unite the earth with the sky. The
courageous youth gave the reins to Ashker, and

T 2

276 THE SEVEN FACES.

bore down like a rush of waters to the point from
whence the dust ascended. On approaching, he
perceived a lion in the act of jumping on the back
of a gur, and fixing his fatal talons in his neck.

Behram chose out of his quiver an arrow pointed
with tempered steel, and adjusting it to his bow,
shot with accurate aim at the lion, but, to the
admiration of all present, the arrow not only passed
through the lion, but also through his prey, the gur,
and stuck in the ground up to the string notch.
What coat of mail or plate-armour could resist
such an arrow, as could transfix a lion and a gur,
and then pierce the hard earth up to the feathers ?

The Arabs who witnessed this wonderful exploit
considered Behram a fit person to be emperor of the
world; they kissed his hand in token of respect,
and gave him the appellation of the "Lion in
" strength," Shir zur, and Behram Gur, " Beliram
" (the killer) of the Gur."

This adventure having been celebrated over the
country, Menzer, on their return home, ordered his
painters to delineate the whole of it in gold on the
walls of the palace of Khavarnak; the dust rising, ,

Behram's charge, and the arrow piercing the lion at ^jU

top, the gdr beneath him, and passing into the earth
up to the notch.

THE SEVEN FACES. 277

Behram"'s Adventure with the Dragon.

One morning, Behram, having hastily quaffed* a
few goblets of generous wine, proceeded to the
desert in elevated spirits, to enjoy the pleasures of
the chace.

The plain was whitened in many places by the

* It is not unusual in Persia to drink wine in the early part
of the day.

278

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR

IN THE Sandal-coloured Pavilion, on Thursday, and the
Tale told him by the Daughter of the King of the
Sixth Climate.

On Thursday, which is a propitious day of the week,
and, in consequence, dedicated to the planet Jupiter,
when the early zephyr had respired its odorous
breathings, and with the perfume of sandal had
burnt up the wood of aloes with envy, the King,
dressed in sandal-coloured garments, came forth to
the sandal-coloured world, from the Blue Palace,
and proceeded to the Pavilion of Sandal Hue.

He sipped wine from the hand of this idol of
China, which was, in fact, drinking the blessed
waters of Kawther from the beautiful Houri of the
fountain; and in that and other recreations amused
himself until night with this pearl of the sea of
beauty, when the Shah kindly entreated her to
favour him with a tale.

The Princess of China, in due submission, un-
locked her stores of honeyed eloquence, and said :
O Shadow of the King of Kings, from whom the
whole world derives existence ! more numerous
than the sands in the desert, or the stones in the
high mountains, or the drops of water in the deep
sea, may your days be! and may your propitious

f

1

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 279

fortune accompany those lengthened days, O King,
who, like the sun, are the dispenser of light, and
even royalty. I am always afraid to open the gates
of my imperfect speech, and before I begin, I pray
for your beneficent indulgence, for even if the sacri-
fice of my life would afford the smallest pleasure to
the King, how readily would I yield it; and as you
take a pleasure in laughing, I willingly open my
bag of shreds and patches to amuse you.

When her address was finished to the Kins,
whom she adored, she kissed his hand, and thus
related, that —

Two youths, once upon a time, left their native
city, to visit others. Each carried a sack, filled
with provisions for the journey. The name of one
was Kheir (Good), that of the other Shar (Wicked),
and the dispositions of each corresponded with
their names. After they had travelled for two or
three days, on looking at their provisions, Kheir had
eaten of his freely, whilst Shar saved his; the one
cut down his crop of corn, the other sowed. At
length they reached a desert, so hot, that it seemed
in actual combustion, like the fire-place of an oven,
that even iron became soft as wax from its heat.
Over this fiery tract of land a north wind blew
like the fatal simiim. Shar knew beforehand that
there were two roads in the desert, but not a drop
of water, and he had therefore filled a small bag
with water privately, and placed it in his wallet, as

280 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

he would preserve costly pearls. Kheir, uncon-
cerned, and thinking he should find water every-
where, made no preparations, but went along
through the burning sands a lengthened journey
with great labour and fatigue, and when the heat of
the day had risen to its most melting degree, the
water of Kheir was expended, whilst Shar still re-
tained his hidden store. When Kheir perceived
that the wicked youth had water in his vessel,
which he, apparently in a concealed manner, like
those who take potations by stealth of forbidden
wine, repeatedly took draughts of, he evidently saw
that it was to excite the thirst of Kheir more surely.
Kheir, compressing his lips and teeth, endeavoured
all he could to suppress his thirst and ardent
longing for the water; but in doing so, his teeth
were knawing his liver, until at length even his
liver became thirsty, and the whole world appeared
black and parched to his eyes. Thus he remained
between the two stated times of prayer, until his
thirst deprived him of further strength and patience.
He had two jewels of very great value and the finest
lustre; their bright sparkling would draw water from
the eyes of the beholder, but, alas, not put water
into the mouth of the unhappy possessor. One of
these bright stones he placed before Shar, saying,
I am dying with thirst, take this, and, in exchange,
quench with some of your water the flame that is
destroying me ; of that pure water which you are

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 281

drinking, favour me with one draught as an indul-
gence, or thus let me pay for it; even take both
jewels, and I shall still feel obliged. But Shar, on
whom may God's curse alight, now showed how truly
he acted up to the signification of his name. No,
said he, I advise you to dig a well with your jewels,
for I am not a person to be duped by your wiles ;
you offer me your stones in this uninhabited place
to reclaim them again when we reach a city. No,
I am not so easily deceived, for I am more wily
myself than a Div, and have played similar tricks
often enough to know by experience, that if I give
you water now, and take your jew^els, at the first
town we come to you will give me back w'ater for
w'ater, and insist upon having your stones back.
No, the jewels that I w^aut are such as, do what you
will, you can never recover again. Kheir asked
impatiently, What are those jewels you wish for?
tell me, that I may immediately present them to
you. Shar said, I mean the two jewels of sight,
which are more valuable than any others; sell,
therefore, your eyes for my water, or else give up all
hopes of having one drop. Kheir said. Have you
no shame in the eyes of God to inflict such a
penalty for a draught of water; but even were it a
fountain of the purest water, of what use would it
be to deprive me of my eyes ? Were I to suffer such
an affliction, of what value would a hundred foun-
tains be ? To give my eyes for a draught of water

282 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

is preposterous, but I will purchase it for money.
Take these jewels, and everything else I possess, and
if you please, I will give you a writing, and take my
oath before the God of Heaven that I am content
with my bargain; leave me, therefore, my eyes, my
friend, and do not let your kindness be as cold as
the water I am dying to drink. Shar answered,
This is all a fine story made for the purpose of
quenching your thirst, but it will not dupe me.
Eyes I must have, for jew^els are useless. Kheir
remained for some seconds stupefied, in doubt
whether he should exchange the lustre of his eyes
for that of the fountain; he perceived that without
water he must soon die, and that even his eyes
might be sacrificed for his more precious life; his
heart panted for the cool draught, and where is the
thirsty person who would not give up all the world
for it. In despair, he said, Arise, fetch the sword
or dagger, and bring the cool beverage to my
parched lips; extinguish, at the same moment, the
light of my precious eyes, and the flame of thirst
that is raging within me. He had some distant
hope, however, that by thus delivering himself up
unreservedly, his companion might be induced to
relent. Shar, on hearing this, flew to the execution
of his horrid design, and without the smallest degree
of commiseration he destroyed the pupils of his eyes
with the point of a sword — with a bloody sword did
he stain his Narcissus eyes, and tore out the precious
jewels of his head.

I

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR 283

But that was not all, for, now that Kheir Mas
blind and could not resist, he despoiled him of his
clothes, stores, and other property with ease; and,
to crown his villany, left him without so much as
one drop of water, to mourn his misfortunes.

When Kheir was thus left, rolling in blood and
dust on the burning sands, he was a more wretched
object than the eyes of mortal have often seen. If
he could have had eyes to see the state to which
he was reduced, he must have died from the fright
and horror it would have occasioned.

There happened to be the guard of a great
quantity of live stock near at hand, who kept his
flocks at a distance from the hungry wolf. He had
more numerous flocks than any other farmer there-
abouts. The guard, like other nomades on the
desert, wandered about in search of pasturage; and
where he found it, and springs of water, he con-
tinued to feed his flocks there for a couple of weeks,
until the grass was expended, when he went in
search of fresh pastures. By the greatest good
fortune, this shepherd happened to be in the neigh-
bourhood at the time of Kheir's misfortune. He
had a daughter of exquisite beauty — an idol, with
ravishing eyes, and captivating black moles; a
cypress, whose root was nourished by the limpid
stream of pure affection ; a charmer, who was fed
upon Love's witcheries. Her raven tresses, which
reached to her slender waist, made chains for the

284 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

envious moon, clustering over her lovely features
like the odoriferous violet. The magic of her
glances would retain the world in captivity. The
nisfht became darker from the blackness of her
moles, the moon brighter from reflecting the lustre
of her lovely countenance.

(J**'

'<i>^ -.J ^X/waJ Slj \j i'Mi J.J (jiiixAM vX^u> iui*M>J ^<A^

This beautiful maid was in search of water, and
at length found a cold spring, from which she filled
a vessel for the use of her father's dwelling. Re-
turning with it to her home, the notes of complaint
at a distance arrested her attention. It was the
lamentation of the sightless and afflicted Kheir.
She by following the sound approached the spot
from whence the cries proceeded, and at length dis-
covered a youth stretched out, weltering in his own
blood, and in the burning sands of the desert; his
legs and hands were thrown about in anguish, and
he called upon God to assuage his misery. The
damsel, for a moment forgetting her sex and timi-
dity, approached the sufferer, and said, " O, who art
*' thou, and what has caused thee to be thus lying
" on the bare earth, flooded in thy own blood? who
" has thus cruelly treated thee? who has inflicted
" such oppression on thee?" Kheir answered, " O
" heavenly stranger, whether fairy or angel, my mis-
" fortunes are of an extraordinary nature, and my

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 285

" story is a long one; spare me the recital at this
" moment, for I am dying of thirst, and without
" water cannot longer exist. If you have none,
" leave me, and be spared the pain of seeing me
" expire; but if you have even a drop, give it me
" quickly, for my life depends upon it."

The beautiful water-carrier, who held in her
hand the key of salvation, gave him the pure liquid
with grace and kindness, — to him the water of life.
The cool and refreshing draught completely restored
him to comparative ease; his mutilated eyes she
took up, and placed them with the name of God in
their sockets; for although the white was torn, the
black part remained tolerably perfect.

She found also sufficient strength in his limbs to
enable him to rise and walk; therefore, tying a
bandage over the eyes which she had carefully
placed in their sockets, and giving him with sweet
humanity her hand to support him, guided him to
her habitation, and treated him with kindness and
soft attentions of every sort. Having left him in
care of the servant of the house, the lovely girl went
to her mother, and told her what she had done. The
good mother even thought that she had not done
enough, and that they must endeavour to assuage
his afflictions and sufferings in every possible way.

286 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM OUR.

They therefore brought the weary stranger to a
chamber of rest, spread a table for him, and nursed
him with soups and with dressed viands in the most
hospitable manner. But after eating a little, he
reclined his head on his shoulder in mute despair.

At night the shepherd returned to his evening
meal, and saw a stranger sight than he had ever
been used to behold in his peaceful dwelling. He
perceived a poor wretch almost deprived of sense
from pain and grief, stretched like one who had
received some deadly wounds. He demanded, where
is this helpless creature from, and why is he thus
weak and weary? They related to him the business
of his eyes having been torn out, and his own be-
came dim whilst listening to the recital of his suf-
ferings. He said, I am acquainted with the pro-
perties of a certain high tree, the leaves of which
I shall bring and make a plaster of them, which
may possibly restore his sight. He then described
the tree particularly, and amongst its other won-
drous qualities, mentioned that one of two branches
restored the sight, the other cured the most invete-
rate epilepsy.

When the shepherd's daughter heard these
words, she immediately bent her heart upon effect-
ing a cure of poor Kheir, and never ceased praying
her father until he went out and brought the leaves
of the tree, which he gave her to pound up and
express the juice of. When this was done, a poul-

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 287

tice was applied to Kheir's eyes, and remained on
until the fifth day, when on opening the bandage
he opened the lids, and to his delight and astonish-
ment found he could see as well as before. After
offering up prayers to the Almighty for this unex-
pected blessing, he entreated the shepherd and his
family to accej)t his most grateful acknowledg-
ments. The grace and beauty of this good young
man had a great effect upon the lovely virgin,
through whose means, under Heaven, his life and
his sight were saved. Kheir, too, although he had
not seen her beautiful face, yet he had heard her
sweet voice, which thrilled his very soul, and he
had felt the soft magic of her healing hand, which
had penetrated to his heart. In short, what with
sympathy and feeling, they were mutually attached
to each other by love's chains, before they had even
thought of it. To mark his gratitude to the shep-
herd, Klieir acted the part of a servant to him.
He attended the flocks and herds with incessant
care; he sought out proper pastures for the camels,
and preserved the sheejD from the ravening wolf, —
all to ease the shepherd from a part of his labours.
The shepherd placed such confidence in him as to
trust him with everything he possessed in the world.
They would then ask him about his misfortunes
before they had known him, and on hearing the
particulars of his purchasing a draught of water
with his eyes, and of his losing his eyes and his

288 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

jewels, and after all being left to die without even
one drop of water; and then the shepherd would
lament his hard fate, and curse the treachery of
Shar, and rub his face on the earth like a monk in
his convent; and yet all these sufferings rendered
him still dearer to the shepherd, who treated him
with marked respect and kindness; but his fair
dauofhter still took to herself the soft office of ad-
ministering to all his wants; her fair face was
hidden, but she saw and worshipped him; she gave
him water to drink, but she lived on the fire of love.
Kheir, too, was intensely devoted to her, and the life
she had saved, he willingly made over to her. On
account of her it was that he attended the flocks,
and the herds, and the strings of camels, and then
he would reflect on the folly of placing his affections
on such a lovely creature; how could she, thought
he, ever look with favour on a friendless being like
him, she who might command the highest station
and wealth; and thus in his modest humility he
conceived it right to shun the danger of embitter-
ing her life as well as his own, and decided upon
leaving the friendly shepherd's house, and seeking
his way to the town where his family resided.
With this intent, therefore, when he returned from
his work in the evening, he addressed the shepherd:
" O friend of the stranger, how shall I ever express
" to you the gratitude that pervades my whole
" soul ? You have restored light to my eyes, and

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 289

** life to my body; you have heaped every species
" of kindness on me, and fed and nourished — God
" knows how truly sensible I am of all this good-
" ness, but it is a goodness which should not be
" abused. Surely I have been your guest suffi-
" ciently long; hospitality, even generous as yours
" is, must have some bounds, and I have reached
" them. Add one more obligation to those I al-
" ready owe you, and can never repay. Set me on
" my way to my native city, and promise me that
" when I depart from you by to-morrow's dawn,
" you will occasionally call to your recollection the
" youth whose life you have saved, and who, while
" he exists, can never cease to think of you and
" yours, but with heartfelt gratitude." His feelings
overpowered him, and he ceased speaking, but who
can describe the misery which the intention he
announced of leaving them, occasioned in the shep-
herd's family. The old man was deeply affected,
and lamentations arose from all sides; the eyes of
father and daughter were as wet with tears as their
sad hearts were parched up with grief. After a
pause of much suffering, at length the enlightened
herdsman said, " O youth of excellent heart and
" most pleasing manners, you express an intention
" of seeking your native city, and God send that
" you may not again meet with a treacherous fellow-
" traveller; but why run any risk, why exchange
" ease and security for the troubles of the world —

u

290 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

" friends for enemies, good for bad? Although
" possessed of much wealth, I have one only daugh-
" ter; she is amiable and kind-hearted, and as to
" looks, she may be ugly, however beautiful I may
" think her; but the odour of musk is not sup-
" pressed, although itself is hidden in its bag, and
" perhaps her beauty may be as easily imagined
" even in its concealed state. If you can place
" your heart upon us, and upon our daughter, you
" will become dearer to us than life. With such
" a maiden and independence I would willingly
" make you my son-in-law. Of flocks of sheep and
" chains of camels, I will give you an ample store,
" and I will enjoy reflected happiness in insuring
" yours, until the hour of my final departure
" arrives."

Kheir, on hearing this most life-inspiring pro-
posal, threw himself into the arms of his beneficent
host, and passed the evening until the hour of rest,
in ex])ressing his happiness and gratitude.

When the sovereign of the East the next
morning was seated on his throne of light, ushered
in by the melodious songs of the early birds, the
contented farmer arose from his couch and made all
the preparations necessary for the celebration of his
daughter's marriage, which with all despatch was
concluded. The lovely maid, in joining herself with
Kheir, was, as it were, Venus bestowing her hand
on Mercury. Thus he that was parched with thirst.

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 291

drank of the water of life; he that at one time had
nearly despaired of life, was now enjoying the
highest sublunary bliss. The lovely cupbearer who
had so critically arrived with water to save him
from destruction, now shed the sweetness of her
ruby lips on his intoxicated heart, more refreshing
than the waters of paradise. Their days and nights
succeeded each other, in increased happiness, and
wealth flowed in upon them from the unbounded
generosity of the herdsman, until at length Kheir
became possessed of all the flocks and herds.

After he had resided some time in the desert,
he visited the tree of sandal odour, from which his
wonderful cure had been effected. Of each kind of
leaves he loaded a camel, and with his wife's assist-
ance made a stock of plaister to have in store, for
the cure of epilepsy as well as the restoration of
sight, the secret of which he concealed from all the
world.

About this time it was reported in the neigh-
bouring city that the King's daughter was afflicted
with severe epilepsy, for the cure of which all
medicine had failed. Physicians from various cities
and countries had in vain exerted their skill; no
remedy could be found. The King had made a
condition that any person who succeeded in re-
lieving the Princess from this distressing malady
should have her in marriage, and ultimately succeed
to the throne; but that he who failed, after having

U 2

292 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

seen his daughter's beauty, must inevitably lose his
life. The heads of a thousand unsuccessful doctors
had already flown off, townsmen and strangers, and
yet the love of beauty, wealth, and greatness, was
so intoxicating, that adventure followed adventure
with a horrible swiftness. At length the rumour
reached Kheir, and knowing that he could put an
end to the Princess's malady, and the destruction
of numberless lives, he sent a message to the King,
to say he accepted the conditions, and would under-
take the adventure, but begged of him not to sup-
pose that he had emolument in view, as he did it
solely to please the Almighty, and with his assist-
ance, hoped to succeed. The King admitted him
to kiss his feet, and asked his name; he answered
" Kheir (good), which he trusted his fortunate stars
" would make j^ropitious." The King said, " Thy
" name bears an haj)py omen; may the result of thy
" endeavours answer to thy appellation."

He then sent him to the female apartments,
where he was introduced to the chamber of the
Princess. — There Klieir saw a face that was more
beautiful than the sun's lustre, — she was a graceful
cypress, struck by the adverse wind of her malady
to the humble state of a trembling willow. Her
lovely eyes w^ere inflamed like the fiery lion's, for
she had neither sleep by night nor rest by day.
Having some of the remedy from the wonderful
tree with him, he rubbed it hard on her joints — he

fl

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 293

then comi)osed a draught of it, sweet and cool and
pleasant to the taste, on drinking which the Princess
felt her head greatly relieved. She recovered from
delirium and madness, and ate and slept like a sane
person.

When Kheir saw that the medicine had given
her instant ease, and that she slept soundly, he felt
confident of success, and left the palace for his own
home, with a heart light as air.

The fairy-faced Princess slept incessantly for
three days, and no communication was made to her
father until the end of the third day, when, awaken-
ing from her refreshing sleep, she ate her usual
meal in perfect health. When the King, who was
on his throne, was informed of this joyful event, he
rushed into his daughter's ai)artments without even
waiting to put on his shoes. He found her restored
to sense and intellect, sitting on her throne. In
token of gratitude to heaven, he bowed his head to

the earth, and thus addressed her, " O you

" How art thou, that thus relieved from pain and
" fatigue, thou hast chased away the wind of distress
" from thv o-ate?" The Princess answered with affec-
tionate respect to her father's fond enquiries ; and
after he took his departure, she sent him a message
by a trustworthy person, to say, that she had under-
stood he had made engagements and conditions
during her illness, respecting her cure and recovery :
that as far as cutting off the heads of those who

294 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

failed in their endeavours, he had faithfully fulfilled
the conditions, and that it behoved him to be equally
faithful to his promises of giving the Crown and
herself to the person who should effect the cure —
that as yet hundreds of unfortunate heads had rolled
in the dust, but should not the one fortunate head
be rewarded with a crown ? " The King cannot pos-
" sibly refuse the claim of him, who relieved me
" from my dire disease; and, except with him, never
" will I unite myself to mortal. Let us, therefore,
" fulfil our promise with truth and graciousness."
The King listened favourably to the message of his
daughter, and having determined upon fulfilling his
promise, he immediately sent for Kheir. On being
presented, the King addressed him in the kindest
terms, gave him a magnificent dress of honour
which had graced his own person, and which was
worth a kingdom, a girdle of gold inlaid with pre-
cious stones, and lavished wealth without bounds on
him. The citizens adorned and illuminated the city
in honour of the wedding, and Kheir became the
husband of a princess, lovely as the moon, with the
consent of the father, and to the delight of the
bride. — But was not this a stroke that must blind
the eyes of Shar ?

Kheir unlocked the treasury of bliss with his
beautiful bride, and passed some days in perfect
happiness.

The King had a most respectable Vizir, much

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 295

loved by the people, who, in great affliction, applied
to the King for assistance. His daughter (whose
face was once lovely, like the raven's blood shed
upon snow) in consequence of an attack of small
pox, had lost the sight of both eyes, and hearing
that Kheir had a remedy for relieving this horrid
misery, he solicited the King's influence with him
for the application of it, and promised to fulfil a
similar condition to that which the King had pro-
mised and executed respecting his own daughter.
Kheir complied, completely restored sight to the
Vizir's lovely daughter, and shortly after made her
his wife. Thus, with his three matchless wives, did
the fortunate Kheir enjoy rank, power, and riches,
and unalloyed hap})iness. At one time sipping the
wine of delight from the lips of the Vizir's daugh-
ter, or quaffing draughts of love from the beaming
eyes of the Princess : the one a gentle moon, the
other a resplendent sun of beauty. But, in good
truth, most happy when enjoying the heartfelt and
superior charms of his first love, the herdsman's
daughter. Thus did Kheir pass most blissful days,
universally beloved by all classes, until the King of
the country being called to a better world, his son-
in-law succeeded to his throne, and governed his
people with equity and justice.

It so happened that in proceeding one day to a
garden to enjoy the pleasures of spring, Kheir per-
ceived a man bargaining with a Jew, whom he at

296 THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR.

once recoofnised to be his villainous fellow-traveller,
Shar. He instantly gave orders that the wretch
should be seized and brought after him to the gar-
den, and an executioner stood in the room with a
sword drawn, ready to follow a signal from Kheir.

Shar, unconscious of the jDresence he was brought
into, kissed the ground in respect. Kheir asked his
name, that he might know the relatives who were
to mourn for the loss of his head. He answered,
" My name is Mabesher Seferi (the traveller who
" brings good tidings), a name bestowed on me by
" the world for talent and ingenuity."

Kheir said, " I ask you for your own real name,
" and in giving it, consider that you are washing your
" face in your own blood."

But, with obstinate falsehood, he said, " Whether
" you strike my head off, or poison me for it, I own
" no other name."

Kheir said, " Oh, horrid wretch, whose blood it
" is lawful for every one to shed, your name, like
" your disposition, is Shar (evil), and your bad quali-
" ties are even worse than your name. Are you not
" him who tortured the unfortunate traveller dying
" of thirst, whose eyes you put out in the cruellest
" manner in exchange for a promised draught of
" water ? Yet after all you had the water, and re-
" fused him a drop to assuage his fever. You took
" from him the jewels of his eyes as well as of his
" purse, and yet allowed his liver to burn M'ith the

THE BANQUET OF BEHRAM GUR. 297

" dearly purchased water. I am that thirsty fellow-
" traveller whose jewels you snatched away, but my
" good fortune lives whilst yours justly dies. You
" willingly destroyed me, but God saved me, and
" raised me to wealth and empire. — Shame on thy
" wicked life that would have extinguished mine,
" but the time is now come when you must render
" up your own."

Shcir looked up and recognised the face of the
injured Kheir, and instantly threw himself on the
earth. He said, " Beware of punishing me, although
*' I have done evil, — look not to the evil I have
" committed, but rather to the heavens who created
" us, and named me Shar (evil) and you Kheir
" (good); as I have acted by you in the spirit of the
" name thus given to me, so do you act by me in
" this my hour of misfortune, according to thy name
" and renown."

298

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

When the jessamine-bosomed Princess had thus
concluded her tale, the Shah, in rapture, pressed her
to his heart. He thus proceeded from pavilion to
pavilion enjoying the ever-varying charms of his
seven beauties, draining large draughts of pleasure
from the hand of the fascinating cupbearer, and
leaving grief and anxiety to the page of futurity.

When the triangle was formed by the Moon,
Jupiter, and Saturn, and when the King of the fir-
mament passed from the Whale into Aries, the
verdant spring bloomed forth in renewed youth ; the
living waters sparkled in their sources, and each
stream became vivifying like the Nile, and pure as
the holy Silsabil ; the trees threw out their per-
fumes, and the earth was fragrant as the musk of
Khoten, — in one word, the sweet season of the
Nuruz (vernal equinox) shed splendour and delight
upon the world. The soft zephyr having made a
fresh compact with the odoriferous herbs, held as
pledges the lives of mortals. The flowering shrubs,
raising up their heads from the soft bosom of the
earth, offered the coloured splendour of the sun. The
dew having washed the mantle of the sky, softened

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 299

the heated temperament of the sun. The leaves of
the pahn from the mountain tops sent down theii-
streams of juices in lustre like tears. The verdure
pleased the eye more than the finest emerald, and
raised it in worship of its gracious Creator. The
new narcissus, like the beautiful eye half closed
with sleep, robbed the beholder of rest. The morn-
ing breeze, breathing the musky perfume, bore with
it the delicate odour of the modest violet. The
cypress, gently moved by the breeze, brushed the
thick locks of the box which flourished in its shade.
The eye of the Lotos, awakening from the pain of
sleep, throws its life into the fortress of the water.
«_»^^ xs\5^ j:\ ^^>Vv (f^^ The blossoms full blow-
ing on their waving branches spread pearls far and
near, like the leaves of the anemone. The Lily,
intoxicated with the beauty of the narcissus, made
an offering of its ingot of gold for the peak of
its crown. From the qualities of the odoriferous
coloquintida ^LiJ sJ^f ^U«- l::^a)Uj> L The Fenu-
greek (^jvJujL^) from the tear in her eye (^>5>*^/
jsi;^ smiled again sweetly.

The leaves of the wild rose preparing its pearls ;
the stalks of the lily besmeared with vitriol ; the

300

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

sweet maijoram, with its matted locks like a spider
thrown over its head and back. The hyacinth from
its musky clusters poured its precious gifts on the
clove gilly-flower, on condition that it conferred the
right of inheritance on the jessamine.

The odour of the sisanbar, a flower that expels
the venom of a scorpion's bite, from its internal
warmth almost dissolving the heat-loving scorpion
in its celestial sphere.

The blossoms of the palm, with its scented fra-
grance, looked like the ear of the beloved decked
with gold and silver. The SkjS^ from a tree,
like the aloe, spreading abroad odours of musk and
camphor. The (j_>^>.=»^ and the lily of the valley,
like the willow, shewed their colours of red and
white. The rose, wearing the girdle of imperial
sway, received the devoted allegiance of the earth
and air ; the nightingale straining its liquid voice,
from the begining of night till the crowing of
the herald of day, five times upon the green plain
proclaimed the sovereignty of its beloved rose. On
the summit of the cypresses, the gentle doves in soft
warblings surpass the music of the finest singers.
The flute of the turtle in plaintive strains withdraws
the smile from the partridge of the valley. The
call of the black partridge from the sides of the
fields took the measured cadence of the verses of
paradise.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 301

The nightingale, hearing the heavenly strain,
from envy became extenuated like the cords of a
harp. The garden, in fact, was a most beautifully
coloured picture, and all animated nature seemed
pregnant with happiness and joy. On this morning
Shah Behram held a royal assembly in a palace
which he had erected on the model of the seven
pavilions in splendid magnificence. Suddenly a
man rushed into the presence, and after praising the
King, and offering up a prayer for his prosperity, he
related to him the sad tidings of an invasion of his
territories by the Chinese. — " The Faghfur has found
" your Majesty always true to his treaty of j)eace ;
" yet had he, with the wily cunning of his country-
" men, not only broken his faith, but actually arrived
" on the banks of the Jihun, with an overwhelming
" army of troops prepared for plunder and conquest.
" The Chinese never consider their engagements as
" sacred. In their hearts they are poison, although
" honev in their exterior, and now have these
" wretches come down in an irresistible flood, like
" ofiffantic alliofators, to devour us, unless the Shah
" in his wisdom and valour save us from their san-
" guinary intentions." The king, on hearing this
afflicting intelligence, and perceiving the necessity
of immediate consideration of the means to remove
such an evil, in the first place put an end to the
banquet and detached his hand from the wine cup.
He j^lainly saw that treasure and an army were the

302

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

only means by which he could save his kingdom, as at
all times they were the true instruments of conquest.
But when he sought for soldiers none could he find,
and on searching the treasury, it proved but an
empty name. He became helpless and wretched,
like a lion without teeth, — his circlet of royalty but
as a chain, — his kingdom as a prison. The Shah
had a minister (I have heard), a man who feared not
God and kept aloof from his precepts, who allowed
the king the pride of a good name, which he himself
was far from possessing : he gave himself the cha-
racter of straight and enlightened (Rast Rushen),
but hi« straightness was crooked, and his brightness
dark. The ministry had been in the hands of Narsi,
a devout and excellent worshipper of God, but when
Rctst Rushen supplanted him in the vizarat, truth
and brightness fled from it. Whilst the King was
engaged in pleasure and wine, his Vizir was exer-
cising all kinds of injustice- He promoted litiga-
tion, destroyed fair judgment, confiscated property,
and ruined the finances. His creed was that the
people had been too rich and insolent, and required
to be a little fine-drawn, therefore their exuberance
of riches he thought should be added to his stores ;
" Were the King of my opinion, one half of them
«' should be well punished, for they are a bad people
*' and of infamous characters and all of them growlers
" worse than wolves: to keep wolves in order, a wolf
'* must act, for how long can we allow the foxes to

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 303

" dance?" The Vizir, by various designs and systems
of deceit, brought over the King to act as he wished.
He said, " It is right we should punish this head-
" strong people to put the affairs of the kingdom in
" proper train, — they are wretches, the offs[)ring of
" wine and debauch; ravenous beasts in the form of
" man ; reptiles, that look not on faith or allegiance
" from principle, and only obey commands when
" enforced by the sword. You will have read the
" account of former afflictions, and seen how Sia-
" vesh suffered from such miscreants — what pains
" did they not inflict on Jemshed, and placed his
" head upon a stake? Their wealth is a fountain
" or bath, themselves J^^

" If the water dries up like butter, still, by
" proper care, the earth becomes good. A man, to
" be a king, must be alert and careful — if the watch-
" man sleeps, the thief is awake. When a King
" proceeds to punish his subjects his kingdom goes
" to ruin. That King who punishes puts to flight
" both dives and enemies. Dives are, in fact, a tur-
" bulent populace, if you suffer them, they make
"never-ending encroachments — make such exer-
" tions as that you lower not the dignity of your
" crown by undue humiliation. By love and affec-
" tion you will not lead any one, for they are con-
" tent with their own self-love. The Kinnf, to our
" delight, is a worshipper of wine — I hold the pen
" and thou the sword ; from thee cometh punish-

304

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

" ment, from me counsel ; those whom I say should
" be seized, seize them. Squeeze the rich man for
" his wealth, and hang the wretch without dirhems.
" The good and the bad are equally in thy power.
" Take blood from the bad and take riches from the
" good. Be a thorn to your people, and in their
" eyes you will be most estimable. When the
" subjects are wretched and miserable the king is
" more sure of his crown."

The King's deputy intoxicated with pride treated
the poor with harshness and severity, and having set
the example, even induced the King to tyrannize
them to such an extent as that they were not con-
sidered as fellow creatures. Tyranny had no end,
— the people were seized, and their houses plun-
dered ; in village or city none could escape, — the
only sounds heard were seize! take ! so that in a few
years in that kingdom nobody had either land or
wealth left to them, neither gold, nor jewels, nor
male or female slaves; in short, nothing in the
world. It was not that their wealth was diminished
solely, but that they w^ere reduced from fortune to
beggary. Even those that had houses were deprived
of them by the hand of violence and oppression.
Whether citizen or soldier they were equally ruined,
and fled from mountain to mountain in wretched-
ness and despair ; for there was no manufacture,
nor yet agriculture carried on, and the consequence
of the ruin of the country was that the Royal Trea-

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 305

sury was empty. When the King wished to be
prepared for war, he was crippled from the want of
treasure and troops; and, except the Vizir which
he had, nobody possessed anything but affliction and
misery. The King provoked to war, could not fly
to arms with an empty treasury, and at last he began
to ask his associates and guests the causes of his dis-
tress. One, from fear of the destructive Vizir (who
would have agreed with him in saying night was
day), gave some false reason for the general impo-
verishment ; another said that such a man lost his
fortune, and another had run away ; and made va-
rious excuses to cloak the truth. The earth was
without culture and grain, and consequently the
treasury was empty. The King lost all power, and
even beo^an to feel the want of bread. Yet haviiior
been habituated to trust every thing to his favorite,
he had no resources in his own mind for remedying
the state of affairs, and did not sufficiently investi-
gate the causes of their derangement. Disgusted
with the untoward prospect of his kingdom, he rode
out to hunt to beguile the tedious hours. He met
with game, and was successful as usual. He killed
tiger, and lion, and wild boar; and washed away
the grief from his heart with the blood of the vic-
tims of his skill. Elated and pleased he turned his
face homeward. But he had taken violent exercise,
and the heat caused him to feel an immoderate
degree of thirst, and yet there was no water in sight

X

306 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

and the clouds of dust added to his annoyance. At
last he spied a black smoke ascending and curling
up like the serpent about to seize the moon and
create an eclipse. He said, that although the smoke
must have been caused by fire, still it might light
him to the discovery of water. In proceeding fur-
ther, he discovered a large and lofty building; a
flock of sheep like snow basking in the sun, near
them a dog hung up to the branch of a tree, with
his legs firmly tied together. The King spurred on
his horse towards the house, and saw an aged man
whose hair was dishevelled over his forehead. The
old man, on seeing a guest arrive, approached and
gave him welcome; and having made an offering
and held the horse's bridle, he induced the king to
dismount. Whatever was in his house he readily
brought forward, and ajiologized for the scantiness of
the meal, so little worthy of an honorable guest, by
pleading the great distance from all towns or vil-
lages. When the King viewed the bit of bread
spread before him by the shepherd, he first took a
draught of water, and said, Your bread I touch not,
until you faithfully promise to answer every question
that I demand of you. Why is that wretched dog
hung up ? Is it a lion's house ? Why is the wolf
tied up?

The old man answered, O handsome youth, I
will satisfy all your enquiries to the minuteness of a
hair. This dog was the guardian of my flock, I con-

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 307

fided everything to him. I had every confidence in
his attachment, and was delimited in associatino*
with him. I felt no apprehension from the grasp of
the thief or the teeth of the wolf, whether my flock
were distant or near. He was as the child of my
house, and partook freely of my morsel of bread, for
night and day I depended upon his activity, fidelity,
activity and strength. If occasionally I went from
the desert to the city, I left my flock under his pro-
tection, and felt certain that, even if my stay was
protracted, he would conduct them home at the usual
hour. For some years he conducted himself with
great care and fidelity. At length one day I thought
proper to count my flock, in the way of business,
and found a deficiency of seven sheep, which I set
down to a mistake in my reckoning. But the fol-
lowing week I counted them again, and perceived an
additional loss, which I did not notice to any one,
being determined to watch myself in hopes of dis-
covering the thief. I watched all night, and my
dog watched even more sedulously than me ; but
still the loss of sheep continued. Each night was
my grief renewed, for each day did I lose my sheep>
— by tens or by fives were they taken from me,
melting away like snow in the sunshine to such a
pitch that there scarcely remained sufiicient to give
away in charity if a sacrifice was required by the
priest. Thus I fell down in the desert from being a
proprietor of flocks, to be an humble shepherd. The

X 2

808 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

grief of this appalling misfortune almost broke my

heart. I thought that it must have fallen on me in

consequence of some evil eye, or Div, or demon's

malignity. Still my dog was my solace, until one

day I fell asleep on the banks of a river, with my

legs and arms stretched out, and my head placed on

a log of wood. On awakening I perceived a female

wolf who came from a distance, and after washing

her face in the stream, called the dog to her by a

bark similar to his own. The dog ran to her with

joy and rapture — he twisted playfully about her and

scattered the dust all around, wagging his tail and

srivinof stronof marks of his affection. She returned

his amorous caresses and responded to his desires,

and after the feast of love was over, demanded a

feast of flesh. The dog, excited by the bribe he had

received, flew to the flock and brought the choicest

sheep of all, whose legs could scarce support his fat

tail, to his beloved wolf, which they tore to pieces

and ate up in a very short time. Thus this accursed

dog, to appease his lustful propensities, sacrificed my

flock, which I had confided to his care. I had often

forgiven his faults, but at length having caught him

with the wolf, I tied him up in the manner which

you have seen ; for this dog, who should have been

the defender of my flock from the attacks of the

wolf, became himself their butcher. In that plight

he shall remain till released by death; for those who

betray the trust reposed in them, must be detested

by every well thinking person.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 309

King Behram from this narrative at once per-
ceived that it was an example of his own case. He
cherished the good sense contained in the shepherd's
observations ; and having finished his moderate meal,
returned to his capital. In the way, he reflected
that, although a King, he had learned much from a
shepherd, for, said he, I am the herdsman and my
subjects are my flock; as every thing seems dis-
organized, there must be some strong reasons for it,
and it is my first duty to sift the cause of general
distress to the very foundation, for my clear-sighted
Minister acts for me, and in the care of my flock is
my deputed agent. When he reached the city, he
ordered the proper ofticers to bring him an account
of all the persons confined or imprisoned ; and on
viewing it, his wounded mind became as dark as the
black list which he perused. Bewildered, he beheld
a whole world made wretched, each of their names
recorded for various crimes ; but he quickly compre-
hended the crooked ingenuity that concocted accu-
sations against those whose property was coveted.
In the records, also, he perceived that where an
order for death was written, it was in the name of
the King, but pardon always in that of the Vizir :
the King was odious for oppression, the JNIinister
praised for clemency, in the few cases where it was
granted. But in almost every thing it was like the
shej^herd's dog, for in such manner had the Vizir
given over the Kiiig's flock to the jaws of devouring

310 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

wolves, his own vicious propensities. Dogs thus to
others bark, and provoke them, that they may ulti-
mately have an excuse for biting them. The Shah
thought it most advisable to confine him, and
deprive him of his ill-used authority. " If I," said
he, " leave him his present appointment, nobody will
" dare come forward to prove his iniquity, but when
'' I deprive him of his consequence, light will
" appear even in the darkness of night."

The Seizure of the Bad Vizir.

On the following morning, when the day
appeared, and the night had taken away her
carpet of darkness, the dawn gave its blushing
blood-red hue to the moon, Behram held a court,
resplendent as the sun, to which all classes of his
subjects were admitted. Chiefs came in crowds
before or behind, according to their resi)ective ranks*
Rast Rushen also came forward from the door of
his palace, and proceeded in pride and haughtiness
to the place of honour. The Shah looked at him
with anger and rage, and raisingiiis voice, thundered
reproaches at him, so as to terrify him for his life.
O wretch, the destroyer of my country, you have
robbed my kingdom of its beauty and wealth by
your tyranny and oppression ; you have filled your
own coffers with gold and jewels, which you have
plundered surreptitiously from me and mine; you

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 811

have deprived the soldier of arms and ammunition,
so that it is impossible for him to act when called
upon in his duty ; you seized upon the houses of my
subjects, you bathed your feet in their blood ; in-
stead of asking them for the lawful revenue, you
exacted apparel or head gear for yourself. The duty
of allegiance fled from your memory, and your con-
duct to me was most shameless. In the creed of
every religion, gratitude for favours conferred is pre-
ferred to the absence of that feeling; for gratitude
not only pleases the giver of blessings, but gives an
additional gratification to the mind from which it
emanates. You passed on me as the straight for-
ward light (Rast liilshen), but the (rasti) truth is
gone, and the light shines no more. You have so
distressed the army, and drained the treasury, that I
have now, in my time of need, neither a soldier to
fight, nor treasure to raise an army. You conceived
that, indulging in wine, I should sleep, forgetful of
my duties, and take that opportunity to opi)ress the
souls of the weak, and break down the shoulders of
the poor, under the conviction that the avenging
sword of Behram would sleep in the scabbard whilst
his hand grasped the wine-cup. Although my
negligence is great and sinful, whilst engrossed in
the delights of wine and the song, still, I am not
unmindful of the Almighty Lord of the blue
heavens !

The effect of this speech was a sudden agitation

312

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

and movement, that threw the indignation of the
wliole assembly on the neck of the Minister. The
King ordered the black-souled monster to be for-
warded on his way to his kindred hell, from the
paradise he had hitherto enjoyed. With his own
turban they made ligatures to tie him, hands and
feet; his feet were placed in fetters afterwards, and
his hands in chains. And as the numbers of those
were great which this oppressor had oppressed, the
King ordered a proclamation in the city, that those
who wished to have justice should make their com-
plaints, and receive redress from his hands. Great
were the crowds that, on hearing it, rushed into the
presence of the King, abusing the infamous Minis-
ter, and telling him that now the royal Dragon had
overpowered the Serpent. The Shah, further, gave
orders that all the miserable wretches who had been
thrown into prison by the impious Vizir, and beaten
or wounded, should be brought before him, that all
should state their grievances, and explain the various
extortions of their cruel oppressor. The poor vic-
tims, springing from their dungeons, gladly obeyed
the royal summons, and poured into the court, in
number exceeding a thousand. Out of these the
Shah selected seven, from whom he desired to
have a detailed account of their distress and misfor-^
tune.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 313

Complaint of the First Victiat of the Vizir''s Cruelty.

The first of the seven distressed wretches ad-
dressed Behram by hoping that all his enemies
might become the enemies of the accomplishment
of their own wishes, and then said that Rast Riishen
inflicted cruel wounds on my brother; put him in
the torturing press, to extort money, where he ulti-
mately died in acute pain; whatever he possessed
of dresses, horses, and other property, he seized the
whole, besides depriving him of respectability, and
even of life. When I expostulated with the cruel
man on the atrocity of his conduct, he accused me
of disaffection to the state, said that my brother was
this and I was tliat, and making a sign to an ill-
favoured menial, I was instantly seized, loaded with
chains, and confined in a dungeon worse than a
grave, whilst he, at his leisure, confiscated my house
and property. Thus did he cruelly murder one
brother, and imprison and rob the other. My
sufferings have been of one year's duration, when
I had the good fortune to be honoured with the
august notice of the King. When the Shah became
acquainted with the nefarious acts of his IVlinister,
he ordered from his ill-gotten hoards the instant
restitution of the plundered property, with a large
sum as the price of blood of the complainant's
brother; and having liberated him and made him
happy, dismissed him to his former occupations.

314 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

Complaint of the Second Victim.

The second sufferer, after kissing the ground,
thus addressed the King: I was possessed of a most
beautiful garden, the charms of which gave light to
my very soul. Like paradise, it was extensive and
verdant, and its fruit-trees were constantly loaded
with the most delicious dainties. Even in the
winter season it was a delightful spring in my eyes ;
and, moreover, I inherited it from a beloved father,
as a fond token of remembrance. One day, with
incendiary feelings, this unfeeling miscreant came,
unfortunately for me, to my garden. I received
him with the respectful attention due to his high
rank, and treated him with fruits and wine in a dis-
tinguished and hospitable manner. Whatever I had
in my garden or house I laid before him with
reverence and kindness. He ate and he drank, he
smiled and he slept, and all the wine I had he con-
sumed and enjoyed. At length he got up, and
making the circuit of the garden, felt the inclination
of i^ossessing it to himself. He said, Sell me this
garden, and I will give you for it wherewithal to
keep your lamp constantly lighted. I said, This
garden is dear to me as my life, how can I sell that
which is everything in the world to me? Every
body has some beloved object at his fireside, but I, a
helpless wretch, have only this one garden as my
comfort and support. Please to consider the garden

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 315

as yours, and me as your gardener, nay, as your
slave. When fancy induces you to honour me with
your presence, eat of the finest fruit, and drink of
the best wine, and repose on the banks of this pure
stream. I will exert my best ability to dress a
dinner worthy of my guest, and it shall be served to
you by the hands of a damsel with a form fair as
silver; and when satiated with food and wine, you
may sleep on the borders of the cool rivulet. Fur-
ther, whatever I may have worthy my lord's accept-
ance, I shall willingly spread before the hoof of
your horse. He said, No ; give over these excuses ;
I listen to nothing, unless you sell me your garden.
He threatened, and tempted, and entreated, and
menaced, but I did not yield, either to the persua-
sion of force or of gold, and refused to sell my
garden. Irritated at my resistance, he invented a
calumny against me, for which he caused me to be
arrested and confined, seized upon my garden and
property for his own uses, and thus kept me a
prisoner for two years, until the King's orders
brought me to your presence. The Shah liljerated
him, and restored his garden like Baghdad and pro-
perty to him, and dismissed him happy and delighted
at his exercise of justice*.

* In the various definitions hazarded on the name of the city
of Baghdad, I have always considered that Bagh dad, or the
Garden of justice, was the most probable. The above lines from
Nizarai seem to confirm the truth of it ; it is, literally, " The Shah

316 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

Complaint of the Third Victim.
The third prisoner said : O King-, may you
always find the road that leads to the accomplish-
ment of your wishes ! Your slave was a merchant,
trading on the seas, and my subsistence was attained
by distant voyages, wherever I could purchase rare
commodities. As I was well acquainted with the
defects and the excellence of pearls and precious
stones, at length some pearls of great beauty and
value fell into my hands, that could not be equalled
for colour, size, or water, I hastened to the city in
high spirits with my prize, hoping to sell them for
such a price as would ensure for me both food and
dress for the residue of my life. When the King's
Minister heard that the string of pearls belonged to
me, he sent for me, and, without difficulty, agreed
to the price 1 asked. When the period of payment
arrived, I waited on him for it, but he put me off
with excuses from day to day, until my demands
became more angry, and his excuses more cold and
unsatisfactory. At length, after occasionally raising
my hopes and again disappointing them, he sent for
me one day privately, and, without any cause, threw
me into the prison common to robbers and mur-
derers, inventing some crime against me, that he
might possess my property. In exchange for the

gave him his garden, and he became free ; he gave him his house
and garden like Baghdad" — that is, in justly restoring his garden,
it became like Baghdad, or the garden of justice.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 317

chain of pearls which he took from me, he placed
chains of a different description on my hands and
feet. He put my beautiful pearls in the folds of his
cap, and threw me, the unfortunate pearl-less shell,
into this horrible duno;eon. The Kins: restored the
pearls from the Vizir's hoard to the poor merchant,
and added a considerable sum of the evil Minister's
gold.

Complaint of the Fourth Victim.

The fourth prisoner appeared almost beside him-
self with grief and affliction, and after offering up
prayers for the prosi)erity of the King, he said :

0 Shah, I am a musician — a lover. I am poor, and

1 am young. I play the barbet (lute) softly and
smoothly as the running water. I had a mistress,
whom I lately married, like a lovely Chinese idol,
but even still more beautiful. But that it was so
called, you might be puzzled to find out her diminu-
tive mouth, yet the sweetness of its smile far sur-
passes that of sugar. The freshness and beauty of
spring seemed to have made her lovely countenance
their abode. Her curling locks in jetty gloss and
perfume excelled the musk of Tartary. I had
bought this maiden with my own gold, and she was
dearer to me than my two eyes. From me she had
learned to sing and to play, and her skill could
charm the sense, and steal away all hearts. We
lived together in the truest harmony, loving each

318 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

other like the lamp and the moth ; my life was
illumined by her society, as the night is by the
lamp, and she considered me as essential to her
happiness, as verdure is to a garden. Thus con-
ferring and receiving mutual joys, we lived happy
and contented, until Rast Rushen came and bore
my bride from me. He placed the lamp in his own
bower, and burned the heart of the moth in the fire
of absence. Singed, and half dead with grief, I
endeavoured again to get access to the light of my
existence, when, under the pretence of my being
insane, he loaded me with chains. He amusing
himself with my bride, whilst I suffered a thousand
torments in prison. Thus, for four years, have I
been writhing under his tyranny, without a single
crime to lay to my charge.

The King, at the moment presented his bride to
him, and not only his bride, but a large portion from
the Vizir's wealth, and liberating him from his
chains, dismissed him to his home.

Complaint of the Fifth Victim.

The fifth prisoner said to the King: O, you
whose splendour can only be matched by the
heavens, know, that I was head surveyor of an
observatory, and a most obedient servant of my
King. My business was the improvement of the
kingdom, and the ring of slavery in my ear was
grateful to me as if a jewel of inestimable value.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. . 819

By favour of the King, God had given me property,
situation, and the wish of being useful to my fellow
creatures, and, praying for the lengthened life of
my King, I gave charity to all his well-wishers; my
days were jiassed in desire for his prosperity, and in
fulfilling his commands. The town or the country
equally contributed to my happiness, and my society
was courted by the learned and scientific. I
bestowed my wealth in making others happy, and
raised up to enjoyment the poor, the weak, the
widow, and the orphan. Those who sought gold
were never refused relief; my door was ever open
to the needy, and whatever revenue W'as brought in
from my tenants was as quickly expended in enter-
taining my guests. Whatever may have been my
receipts and my disbursements, the people were
pleased with me, and the Almighty satisfied. The
unjust Vizir heard of my conduct, and the vessel of
his cupidity boiled up with overflowing oppression.
He laid the hand of tyranny on my property, and
said, "The sums you spend are not the product of
" your own industry, and your gifts and donations
" exceed the amount of your income. You have
" either robbed people on the highway, or else you
" have found loads of treasure. Give me a division
" of the spoil, such as I am entitled to, or be pre-
" pared for destruction." With this shallow excuse
he seized all my property, and ultimately, to add to
misery, threw me into a loathsome prison, where I

320 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

have languished for five years, separated from my
family and home. The King ordered him to be
released from his shackles, and reinstated in his
possessions and appointments.

Complaint of the Sixth Victim.

The sixth prisoner, when it came to his turn to
recount his misfortunes, said. May the King's pro-
sperity be on the increase, for your benevolence is
existence to your people! I am the son of one of
your Majesty's commanders of the forces, and I
carry arms under your orders, consider my life at
your disposal, as my father did before me, and
pursue your enemies with sword and spear with
devoted loyalty. The King gave me the bread I
lived upon for my services, and happy and con-
tented, I daily attended at the palace door; but
for some reason which he best knows, your IVIinister
dismissed me from the service. I had a family to
maintain, but no wealth to support them, when my
pay was stopped. Often have I waited on him to
entreat assistance, showed him that my children
were starving, and myself miserable. He desired
me to be silent, and fashion my arrow to the size of
my bow; that the King had no quarrel with any
one, and had no necessity for soldiers; that he only
occupied himself with the chase, and did not like to
see his court crowded with troops; told me to take

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 321

up the profession of idlers or till the earth, which
would improve my health, for that it was in vain to
teaze him any more ; and that I had better sell my
horse and arms. I said, In God's name be merciful,
look at my distress, and fear the Almighty; heap
not additional misery on the afflicted. You pass
the night with your limbs stretched out in repose, I
spend it in watching and in arms ; you rule the
country with your pen, I guard it with my sword;
you dip your pen in black liquid, I steep my sword
in the red blood of the Shah's enemies. Take not
from me the allowance that the King ordered for
me, or I will at once lay my harness at the King's
feet. He became angry at my menaces, and struck
my name from the army list, and said, What, you
dare to threaten me with the Shah's anger! know
that it was I who placed the Shah on his throne,
and what I write is fate, whether black or white.
The heads of kings are beneath my feet; the life
of every one is at my disposal, yet you dared to
threaten me. He said this and struck out my
name, seized my horse and arms, and all I possessed,
wounded me severely, and threw me into his prison
with all kinds of malefactors. It is now six years
or something more that I have been devouring my
grief, in this forlorn state. The King gave him a
dress of honour and arms of all kinds, restored him
to his army, and raised his rank and allowances
beyond his former station.

Y

322 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

Complaint of the Seventh Victim.

The seventh prisoner raised the voice of gratitude
to the King, and said, I had long withdrawn myself
from the cares of the world, and as a hermit devoted
my whole soul to the worship of the Almiglity. T
was poor and starving ; I could not eat by day, for I
had scarcely bread and water ; and I could not sleep
by night, for I had neither chamber nor bed. In
short, my sole and constant occupation was com-
muning witti my Creator and paying due homage to
him. I wished to please those whom I met with, and
to pray for those whom I knew and remembered.
The Minister sent a person to call me to his pre-
sence ; I went and he seated me at some distance
from him. He said, My opinion of thee is bad, and
if I punish thee, it will be only your deserts. I said,
O my lord, what suspicions have you harboured
against me? tell me how I can live and conduct
myself to your satisfaction. He said, I am certain
you do not wish me well, and that you pray to God
for my death; that you detest me, and wish me
every evil. I fear the prayers of those who keep
their vigils and night watchings, lest the arrow at
last hit the mark. But before the fire of your
malignity burns clear, and its effects consume me, I
will tie up your hands from the act of prayer, and
not only your hands but your neck also. He tied
me up in a cruel and merciless manner, at the risk

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 323

of ray life, and has kept me seven years. He locked
up my legs in chains, and so tied my hands that I
could not raise them in prayer; but now that my
gracious king has released me I am again haj^py, for
I can pray for my benefactor. The King embraced
the hermit, and showed favour to the enemy of
infidels, saying that Rast Rushen had never said
anything true, except that he dreaded the prayers
of the just.

But he did not take the proper means of averting-
evil wishes from him; the evil that he levelled at
the devotee was ultimately hurled at his own head,
for his prayers prevailed in the end, having not only
lost his dignity but having his head separated from
his body. Of all that the Vizir possessed, the King
told the devotee to take what he liked. The hermit
took up the skin on which he sat and slept, and in
religious fervour whirled about the court; he said, I
want not wealth, and am better without money or
property; he danced about in religious enthusiasm,
without instrument or song, and disappeared from
the presence, never to be seen again.

When the King pondered on these passing
events, his eyes were suffused with the tears of
grief. Whenever the vile acts of his ^linister came
to his memory, he was for a time overpowered with

Y 2

824 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

affliction; he sought for advice in his difficult situa-
tion; but the fresh rose of his thoughts had its
accompanying thorns of care, and his only relief in
his distress was meeting his misfortunes boldly, and
averting the frowns of fortune by the constant
exercise of justice and virtue. To the oppressed he
dispensed restitution and liberality; to the poor the
remedy of generosity. His grief and shame at the
arts of Rast Rushen were so acute, that he passed
the night without repose; like a refreshing shower
he poured comfort on the thirsty and forlorn. At
length one day, when the sun shone on his honest
exertions, he ordered his throne to be prepared, and
desired his porters and guards to admit every one to
his presence. He placed himself with dignity on
his throne, his household troops standing on each
side of it armed from head to foot. He placed the
nobles of the state in their respective ranks, and
elevated also those who were indebted to good sense
and cleverness for the distinction. An immense
crowd was collected, and spectators spread around
like living mountains. The cruel tyrant, who had
been Vizir, loaded all over with chains, was then
brought forward, and crucified whilst living with
acute torture, whilst the whole population of the
city exclaimed with joy at his fate. The King said,
he who would thus raise himself to wealth and
power on the ruin and distress of others, is thus
treated by his destiny. Disaffection and ingratitude

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 325

destroy the reputation, and evil acts are sure to lead
to a bad end. When a tyrant thus acts with cruelty
and oppression, it becomes the duty of the just to
punish him to the death. That you may not say
that justice beareth no fruit, see how heaven and
earth rejoice at the exercise of it. Be assured that
he who gives way to the passions of an evil mind,
loads his own arms and legs with the manacles of
misery. He sent for the herdsman and loaded him
with royal gifts, as being the cause of discovering
the deceit practised on him by his Minister. He
abolished all harshness in the collection of the
revenues, and took from his deputies the power of
oppressing. In this manner did Behram conduct his
affairs, so that after some time his iron became gold,
and his ^ -^j^^j*. His army and his treasury in-
creased rapidly; the one overwhelming like the sea,
the other heaped up like a mountain.

When these occurrences reached the Khokan of
China's ears, he instantly retreated without causing
further embarrassment to the Shah. He even sent
an envoy with many excuses and his blessing, say-
ing, "That wretch whom you justly put to death
*' was the firebrand that inflamed me to attack you;
" he sent letters and invited me to invade your
" dominion, using the most plausible and artful
" arguments for his conduct, so as completely to

* i.e. "and his sackcloth became silk." — Ed.

326 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

" deceive my unsuspicious temper. He said, the
" Shah is without money or troops, and immersed
" in wine so as not to be able to help himself.
*' ' Haste, then,' said he, ' for I have arranged every-
" * thing for your conquest. You bring the sword,
" 'and I'll provide the heads for decapitation.' I
" was surprised at this intelligence of the King; for
" his acts had all been at variance with such re-
" ports; both in peace and in war you have always
^^ conducted yourself like a valiant Prince. My
" daughter is as a slave in your house, and my head
" is as the dust of your palace; but, you will not
" blame me when you read the numerous complaints
" of you which were written to me by your unfaith-
" ful and ungrateful jNIinister."

With this message he sent a large parcel of the
Vizir's letters to be laid before Behram, who, when
he perused them, became agitated like the pen of a
ready secretary. He praised God for having allowed
him to destroy such a wretch, and thenceforward
the affairs of his kingdom flourished. The lovely
face of justice was proudly reflected, black and
white, in the eyes of the King ; to that sacred coun-
tenance the " Seven Faces" were sacrificed without
regret. Five other fancies also he eradicated at the
shrine of Justice, which he adorned and lodged in
his heart. The jewelled link in this chain of pearls
filled the ears of the world with the ornaments of
delight.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 327

The Kinc/s Reformation.

The Shah, reflecting on his pavilions and his
wine-cup, suddenly had his eyes opened to the folly
of his mode of life ; he considered his seven palaces
which raised their roofs to the skies, as only so
many idle temples for earthly enjoyments, that must
in the end become dust themselves. The only
pavilion worth possessing was that on which the
hand of decay could never fall, that would remain
unchanged to eternity. He at the moment sent for
seven mabids, or priests, and delivered over to them
the seven beautiful palaces, in which they instantly
lighted fires, or, in other words, made them temples
for fire worship.

When the King had attained his sixtieth year,
and when the white jessamine encroached on the
dark violet*, he in truth became a sincere wor-
shipper of the only God, and gave over that adora-
tion of self which had hitherto been his grievous
fault. One morning, leaving his throne and putting
his crown aside, he went to the chase with his
most intimate friends, they to pursue the fleet gur
and antelope, and he to attain the game that his
heart coveted. His followers spread on every side,
overthrowing and slaughtering, chiefly seeking for
the wild ass of the desert, but he the gur of solitude.

* When his hair was waning grey.

328 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

In fact, he sought for a grave*, as it would seem, to
take his final rest therein, and the deer that he
overthrew was in fact himself. At length a gur
came in earnest from the border of the desert, close
by Behram, whom he passed by. The Shah at once
conceived that it was an angel sent to show him
the road to immortality and heaven, and spurring
his courser, he pursued it with speed, through the
most wild and desert places. The sacred messenger
flew as with wings before him, and only one or two
attendants could keep near the ])ursuing King.
There was a cave in that desert, more delightful
than an ice-house in the heats of summer, the
opening of which was deeper than any well, and
apparently not passable for any mortal. Into this
cave rushed the hard-pressed gur, and was closely
followed by the lion-hearted King, whose noble
courser carried his master into its deepest profun-
dity, and thus gave the treasury of Kai Khiisru to
its hidden recesses. The eyes of his followers in-
tently sought him, and remained in expectation of
the re-appearance of his horse, but the Shah was
hidden behind the curtains of the secret chamber,
in the embrace of the inmate of the cave. The few
attendants who accompanied the Shah closer than
the rest, made the mouth of the cave for some time
their watch-tower; but there was no way through

* Again, a play upon the word fjur.

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 329

which it could be entered, and nothing could return
from within it. With their eyes turned towards
the road in expectation of seeing the dust of
Behram's approaching army, did these faithful ser-
vants remain, living on their own cold sighs for a
considerable time. At length it approached from
every side, and sought the King, and examined the
cave, but the brains of the dragon treasurer had
sealed its entrance. The attendants related what
they had seen of the fate of the King of the world,
how he had urged his horse into the pit, and disap-
peared for ever from their sight. The troops dis-
believed the relation, and said it was a fiction
unworthy the belief of children, that a King, lusty
as the war elephant, should squeeze himself into so
narrow an aperture, and nobody aware that the
elephant like those in a state of intoxication had
dreamed and been in Hindustan.

Fortune had placed fetters upon the hero with
an elephant body, and who was there that could
emancipate him from the shackles of destiny? To
give notice to the government of this sad event, the
attendants proceed in deep affliction. The sighs
which proceeded from those unhappy news-bearers
raised the dust at the mouth of the cave to the
mountain's height. They said, the King is in the

330 THE KING AND HIS VIZIR.

cave, and we must go back, as he requires our pre-
sence. They still searched for the Shah outside the
cave, and not finding him, placed themselves in
twisted rows like the folds of a serpent. Crying
and miserable, they at length acquainted the King's
mother with the unfortunate event. The King's
mother came like one whose liver is burned up, and
as much lost to herself and friends as the son she so
deeply lamented the loss of. She sought him every-
where, but not as others did ; for they sought him
with their eyes, but she with her very soul. She
searched about for the rose of her life, but only
found unseemly thorns. She expended mountains
of gold and silver in exploring all about, and dug
deep pits, but without finding the way to that well
in which her lovely Joseph was confined. The lands
that this unhappy old lady had dug up in the fruit-
less search of her beloved son remain to this day in
a broken and rugged state, a melancholy testimonial
of a mother's broken heart, and it is still known as
the grave of Beliram Gur, which thousands of
people were for forty days excavating ; but although
they dug to the very borders of the water, they
never found the treasure they searched for, even in
a dream. He was already gone to heaven; how
unavailing to seek him on earth ! The body and
bones may probably be on earth, but the immortal
part is in heaven. To every corporeal body there
are two mothers; one mother earth, the other

I

I

THE KING AND HIS VIZIR. 331

mother blood. The latter brings up and nourishes
its offsjDring ; the former takes it away from her ere
long, Behram also had two mothers, and Mother
Earth was the kindest of the two to him ; for it
took him to that heaven from whence he will never
return. Mother Blood from the cruelty of Mother
Earth destroyed herself with grief and affliction.

332

NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF HAJI
MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN, PRINCE OF
MARV,

Written in 1818 ;

Translated from the original, which the Prince wrote at the
request of Sir Gore Ouseley.

After praise to the Most High, I thus raake it
known, that having been applied to by you, my
excellent and illustrious friend, for a sketch of my
travels and adventures in Turkistau (Tartary) and
elsewhere, and an account of the strange and curious
things I have there seen; which you are pleased
to say will interest the literati of your learned
quarter of the world ; I beg leave to state, that, as
a narrative of all that has befallen me from the
commencement of years of discretion till this time,
when I have numbered upwards of fifty years, would
fill volumes, I shall abridge and compress my rela-
tion so as to reduce this sketch of my chequered
life within such a compass as can be sent to your
Excellency by the next Tatar in the form of a letter.
You already know that I was born in Marv
Shahjan, one of the first and most beautiful countries
in Khorasan, which, since the period that the Sefevi
dynasty ruled Persia, remained as a principality

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 333

under the government of my ancestors. During
the reign of my father, Bairam All Khan, frequent
disturbances arose between him and the barbarous
Ouzbegs of Bokhara, in consequence of the propin-
quity of their residences, and the intermixture of
lands and districts, until at length, in the thirty-first
year of his reign, a.h. 1202, the Sultan of Bokhara
and Samarkand, of the name of Shahmorad and title
of Begjan, in person and at the head of a large force,
rushed like a torrent into Marv. ISIy father, with
his household troops, garrison, and such forces as he
could collect at a moment's notice, hastened to
oppose and repel this host of barbarians. He suc-
ceeded ; but died, in the arms of victory, with
between 400 and 500 of the first people of Marv.
At this period I happened to be at Meshhed, (the
holy city,) and on learning the melancholy tidings,
hurried to JNIarv; that after seating myself on the
throne of my ancestors, I might revenge the death
of my revered parent, and during the first few years
of my reign continued warfare existed between the
bloodthirsty Begjan and me. At length the con-
stant efforts of skilful negotiators brought on an
armistice which ended in a peace guaranteed by
treaties and the most sacred oaths. After some
time, when by every artifice and trick he had
obtained the most despotic sway over his own sub-
jects, and settled the affairs of his country, Begjan
f^nt me a kind of flattering message, expressing

834 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

an ardent desire to see me, for the purpose of
strengthening the bonds of our union ; and I, little
suspecting his diabolical intentions, but innocently
reposing on the faith of solemn oaths and treaties,
paid a visit to him at Bokhara, accompanied by
the flower of the nobility and gentry of Marv. I
was received with great kindness and respectful
attentions by the Sultan at first ; but the thirst of
conquest, and the covetousness of adding my
inheritance to his dominions, soon obliterated all
respect to principle, to the rights of hospitality, to
promise, oaths, or treaty, and, ere long, I found
myself a prisoner in the capital of my greatest
enemy ; moreover, with such hostages as myself, and
my chief leaders in his power, he was enabled,
without the risk or expense of a war, to do as he
pleased with my dominions. Nearly 1000 familes
were forced to leave Marv to settle in Bokhara, and
he fixed his brother, Omar Beg, in Marv Shahjan, as
Governor. During a space of seven years was I
thus constrained to remain at Bokhara, my hate and
detestation of the tyrant hourly increasing ; and, on
the other hand, his deference and consideration for
me daily diminishing, — when news arrived that
Agha Muhammed Khan, King of Persia, (uncle of
His present jNIajesty Fateh Ali Shah,) had taken the
field for the purpose of endeavouring to subdue
Khorasan. He also avowed his intention of forcing
Begjan to resign the government of Marv, and

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 335

to restore me to my kingdom, and my people to
liberty.

This news alarmed Shahmorad and increased his
enmity to me, so as even to make him conceive
designs against my life. I, therefore, made one
desperate effort, and with the assistance of the
friends and relatives who still adhered to me, made
my escape to Shehersabz, (also known in history as
Sheherkash,) resolved to wait in that delightful
place the fulfilment of my wishes and expectations.
But as my sad destiny would have it, the King of
Persia was suddenly called into Azerbaijan to repel
an invasion of the Russians, before he had effected
any thing in Khorasan, and but for the hope of his
returning the following year, nothing could have
saved me from despair. That year I was fortunate
enough to pass without accident at Shehersabz; but
at the expiration of it, instead of the arrival of
Aga ]Muhammed Khan and his army blessing my
eager expectation, the heart-rending news of his
assassination at Shusha in Karabagh was brought to
me. That which overwhelmed me with hopelessness
and despair brought joy and gladness to my enemy,
who, now relieved from the fear of my late all-power-
ful friend and avenger, laid plans for seizing my per-
son, whilst he placed confidential agents at all the
avenues into Persia to prevent my escape into that
country, which would have at least afforded me a
place of refuge. No longer secure at Shehersabz

336 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

from the machinations of my arch enemy, T fled to
the celebrated city of Khejend, and from thence into
the kingdom of Ferghaneh, now called Kukan and
Andajan. Nazbutah Khan, the Governor, assisted
my escape to Kashghar, from whence I went to
Yarkand and Khoten, which is the commencement
of the country of Khatai. But I could not long
rest there, and proceeded to Chatrar and Daklian,
thence to Kafer Siahpush, Jelalabad, Kabul, Ghazni,
Kandahar, Isfaraz, Kaeen, Tabas, and from thence
to Tehran, the present capital of Persia, where I
had the ha])piness to make your acquaintance, and
from whence 1 now write to you. These travels
took up a space of five years, during which, as you
may well conceive, I suffered various miseries and
afflictions, — being three times taken by banditti,
plundered of my all, my hands tied behind my back,
and every sort of indignity offered to me. But my
Creator liberated me from thraldom in a most
extraordinary manner, and I mention this by way of
preface to my answering your questions ; and hope
that you may not think my story too romantic. I
should also add, in apology for not having reaped
more advantage from my travels, that these journeys
were acts of necessity, not choice ; and that the con-
stant state of anxiety and apprehension in which I was
l)laced, took away greatly from the power as well as
the pleasure of research. For the veracity of my
narrative I must trust to your kind opinion of me.

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 387

for Saadi says, tliat " tlie traveller telletli many
lies." Your first question was —

Question 1 st. — From what part of Khorasan did
you proceed into Tartary ?

Answer. — Although this question is already
answered in the above preface, still for the sake of
precision I shall just offer a few remarks : —

Marv Shahjan is one of the greatest countries in
Khorasan. The celebrated poet Anvari, in his
description of Khorasan, says,

<^c. (^r. Sf'c.

" In Khorasan there are four cities situated in
" the four sides of it, the extent of which is not
" less than 100 square farsakh each.

" Balkli is a city where only robbers and de-
" bauchees dwell. In the whole of it and its
" environs there is not one possessed of good sense.

" Marv is a city where the mind is cultivated,
" and where every good of this world abounds. Its
" tide and ebb are equal. Herat is also tolerable.

" But Nishapur on the face of the earth, if
" paradise is to be found, it is there ; if not, it does
" not exist."

Marv and Balkli are situated nearer to each

.; ?— Ed.
z

338 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

other than any of the other cities of Khorasan.
Bokhara, the capital of Mawaruhieher, is sixty far-
sakh distant from ]Marv, and the river Jihiin
crosses exactly in the centre of the road, being thirty
farsakh distant from each. The Iliats and tribes
of Bokhara and Marv have been for ages mixed
with each other, and formerly they lived in amity
and harmony, until the Sefevi Sultan Shah Ismail
introduced the tenets of the Shiah faith as the
general religion of his empire. Those few who
refused to desert the Sunni creed were put to
death. But the King of the barbarous Ouzbegs,
who are bigoted Sunnis, alone was able to keep
his kingdom and preserve his faith, although he did
not enjoy either without frequent reverses, wars, and
invasions. As INIarv was a bordering province, the
task of looking after the Ouzbegs was deputed to
my ancestors, who sometimes by fair means, but
oftener by the keen edge of the sword, kept them in
subjection, (particularly my grandfather Shah Kuli
Khan, and father Bairam Ali Khan, who each
reigned fifty years,) during the empire of the Safavis g

and the victorious reign of Nadir Shah. But after
his death the affairs of Persia were in too great dis-
order to admit of the requisite assistance and rein-
forcements being sent to Marv, the result of which,
as I before-mentioned, was, that my father was
killed in his last action with Shah ^Morad Begjan ;
that the inhabitants of my country were drawn off

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 339

by degrees to Bokhara ; and, finally, that I became
the victim of Begjan's cupidity and duplicity, and
after a captivity of seven years in Bokhara, escaped
to Shehersabz, the most delightful spot in JMawar-
ulneher. The Governor of this city was hostile to
Begjan, and although the tyrant has made several
attempts to subdue him, and annex his country to
his own, he has never succeeded, in consequence of
the natural strength of the country and its impene-
trable forests. There I remained one year, as above
related.

Question 2nd. — What cities did you meet with
between Khorasan, Kashghar, and Yarkand; and
what were the distances between each ?

Answer. — I should first premise that Khorasan
is divided into four quarters, Marv, Balkh, Nisha-
pur, and Herat, each of which had its capital and
subordinate towns, villages, and lands. Marv is
the frontier to the East, and thirty farsakh from it,
on crossing the Jihiin, you enter the province of
Mawarulneher, from the capital of which, Bokhara,
Samarkand is about forty farsakh distant. From
Samarkand to Asurdushnah (also known as Bawrah
tabbah or tappah) is a distance of forty farsakh,
and from Asurdushnah to Khejend, poetically styled
" The Bride of Cities," twenty farsakh. Khejend is
situated on the River Sihiin, and is the last city of
Mawarulneher. The cities above mentioned lie
in the direction of east, departing from Bokhara,

z 2

340 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

and the countries comprised between the rivers
Sihiin and Jihun constitute the kingdom of Mawa-
rulneher. There are also other great cities to
the north and south, such as Nesef. Kesh, Nakh-
sheb, Nur, Hisar, and Chaghanian, belonging to
Mawarulneher ; and although the distance between
the rivers is small, its length and number of cities,
taken longitudinally from north to south, are con-
siderable.

Mawarulneher is situated between Turkistan
and Iran. In ancient times it was considered as a
part of Khorasan, but under the Turk or Tatar and
Ouzbeg Sultans it became a portion of Tiiran : it is
to this day included in Tiiran. The seat of sove-
reignty of the Ouzbegs has always been Bokhara;
and, until the reign of Nadir Shah, the wliole
of Mawarulneher was under the government of
one King. In his time the Ouzbeg Sultans of the
race of Chengiz Khan were partly subdued, and
their dominions divided amongst various chiefs of
that tribe. Bokhara, Samarkand, and Nakhsheb,
with the greater share of the country of Mawarul-
neher, was subject to the father and uncle of Shah-
nurad, viz., Danial Atalik and Rahim Khan ; and
their tribe is called Manakat, Shehersabz, with
its environs, fell to Begnezr Perwarchi, and after
him, to his son, Niaz Ali Perwarchi, and is now in
possession of their descendants. Asurduslmah and
Khejend to Fazil Abdulkerim Li, and, after him, to

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 341

Khuda Yar Li ; Hisar Shadman and Chaghanian to
Saaid Beg; and these rulers were often at peace
and obedient to the King of Bokhara, but as often
hostile and inimical. But as Shahmorad Begjan
and his ancestors had been for years possessed of
Bokhara, Samarkand, and the finest port of Ma-
warulueher, M'ith the hereditary claims, and the
pomp and exterior symbols of Sovereignty in his
family, he was in general considered as the first
leader of this kingdom. To return ; having passed
six months at Asiirdiishnah and Khejend, I crossed
the Sihun at the latter place, and entered Fer-
ghanah, which is also a province of Turan. Here
are many large cities, such as Kukan, Andagan,
Murghatian, Namatgan, Oush, and Kandbadam,
under Nazbutah Khan. The River Sihun runs
along the western side of Ferghanah, and the
country of Kashghar skirts it on the east. In
consequence of its propinquity, the roads between
the Kukan (the capital of Ferghanah) and Kash-
ghar are frequented by envoys and merchants ;
from Kukan to Khejend, is three days' journey, or
about twenty farsakh. I set off from Kukan with a
caravan of merchants, and first reached JNIurghatran ;
from thence I came to Namatgan ; thence to Oush,
now nearly deserted, and from thence forward is a
desert. In short, in thirty-five days from Kiikan,
I reached Kashghar, which is now the frontier city
of Khatai, and the seat of the Kashghar Government,
but in former days was considered a part of Turan,

342 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

separated from Khati. It is inhabited by Mussulmans
of tlie Sunni persuasion, but in former days belonged
to the Kings of Turan, after that to the family of
Chengiz Khan, and then to the Timurian Sultans ;
but when the affairs of the Chughatui Princes showed
symptoms of decay in Mawarulneher and Turkistan,
a celebrated Seyed from Samarkand went there, per-
formed miracles, and raised a host of disciples, until
at length he was chosen temporal as well as spiritual
leader of the country. Before his death he settled
the government of the country on his eldest son Ali
Kliajah, and made his youngest son, Gun Khajah,
General-in-Chief of the armies, until, at length, the
whole country submitted to them, although of an
extent of two months' journey, and containing seven
large cities, viz., Kashghar, Yarkand, Khoten, Aksii,
Tarfan, Eilah, and Kucha.

Between Kashghar and Khatai the country was
inhabited by the tribe of Kilmak, who had a king of
the race of Chingiz Khan at their head. The King
of Khatai made war on them, and, after some years'
contest, destroyed many, drove others into Tur-
kistan, and finally brought that territory and the
remnants of its population under his complete
authority, with the ultimate intention of conquering
Kashghar. For this purpose he sent an ambassador
to Ai and Gtin Khajah, whom they put to death.
A second and third were dispatched and shared
a similar fate. The King of Khatai then sent a
large army into their territory. As Kashghar, the

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 343

capital, was to the extreme west, and Tarfan to the
east, and at a distance of two months' travelling,
Ai and Gun Khajah took their troops to the latter
city, where for a year they continued to oppose
the King of Khatai. But Tarfan was at length
reduced ; and although the two brothers resisted
most firmly, at the end of seven years the King of
Khatai was in possession of the whole of their
dominions. The brothers sought an asylum with
the neighbouring King of Badokhshan, and took
with them 5000 or 6000 families, with their pro-
perty, &c., 8zc. The King of Khatai then erected
forts and citadels in all the cities, and strengthened
Kashghar carefully. He placed governors and
troops in each city and a Governor-General, to
whom all the others were subordinate, with a large
force, in Kashghar ; but he had the good policy to
invest a native with full powers to rule over the
Mussulman inhabitants in all civil affairs, and never
interfered with their religion or customs, or in any
way molested them, except in collecting the lawful
revenue. What I have now related occurred
seventy years ago, since which time Kashghar has
been considered as a part of Khatai. You can
judge of the present extent of Khatai, when I tell
you, that from Tarfan to the capital, Macheen, is
four months' journey: but of this I can give no
description, as I did not enter Khatai.

On my arrival at Kashghar, I waited on the

344 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

Mussulman or native Governor, Sekander Beg, ac-
companied by a man from Finghnach, with a letter
of introduction from Nazbutah Khan. Sekander
Beg said he could do nothing without the permis-
sion of his Chief, the Khatai Governor, in their
lansruao^e called Abnan. The Abnan said it was
impossible that I could travel through the country
towards Tibet and Kashmir, without the King's
permission ; that I must stay in Kashghar until the
return of a messenger whom he should dispatch, if
I chose, to the Presence, with a full account of me,
according to Nazbutah Khan's letter, and of my
wishes of getting into Persia by the way of Yai'kand,
Tibet, Kashmir, and Kabul ; and that on receipt of
the King's permission, he would allow me to depart
with all assistance. The Abnan also desired Sekan-
der Beg to tell me, that in sending a messenger for
permission, there were three possibilities for which
he could not be answerable. The first was, that the
King's answer might be, " Let the Prince of Marv
"go when he likes;" the second, "Send him to
"my presence, that I may see him;" and the
third, " Keep him at Kashghar." Had I been a mer-
chant, he said, or a person of no consequence, he
could himself have forwarded me on my journey
without appealing to the King. But Nazbutah
Khan's letter, his declaration of my consequence, my
birth, my imprisonment at Bokhara, and my ulti-
mate intentions, rendered that now impossible, and

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 345

his concealing it might lose him his head. This
message caused me the greatest perjjlexity and
misery; after the various dangers, fatigues, and diffi-
culties I had overcome to arrive at Kashghar, from
whence I conceived I might pursue my journey with
facility, to find myself thus prevented by the over-
strained vigilance and caution of these Khatais,
threw me almost into the arms of despair; for it was
better even to return by the road I came than run
the risk and wait the delay of the King of Khatai's
answer. I therefore, being allowed an option,
announced my intention of returning by the road I
came. I accordingly traced back my steps for three
days, until I had left the territories of Khatai, when,
confident that in no other mode could I possibly
enter Persia, I almost in despair changed my dress,
assuming that of a Derveish, and entered amongst
the tribe of Kergeez, of which there are about
100,000 families in the vicinity of Kashghar. By
the straight road from Kashghar to Yarkand, a
traveller goes there in five days; but I, being obliged
to shun the high roads, and travel amongst the Ker-
geez, did not reach the suburbs of Yarkand before
the thirty-fifth day. As it is customary in all the
cities of Khatai, that the Commandant of the foit,
(who in their language is called Kalahdai,) should
stop all strangers at the gates, and having asked
their names and business, &c., &c., send them to the
Custom-house, where a more particular examination

346 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

takes place; so it happened with me. Conceiving
that a disguise was still necessary, although that of
a merchant was preferable to that of a Derveish, I
dressed myself accordingly, and when I arrived at
the gates, accompanied only by a Kergeez guide and
two or three servants, and was asked by the Kalah-
dai my name and station, &c., I answered that my
name was MuUa Abdullah, that I had a partner in
trade who had some time before come to Yarkand,
but not having heard lately from him, I had come
myself in search of him. The Kalahdai wrote down
my name and those of my attendants, and sent me
in charge of one of his j)eople to the Custom-house-
Having settled matters there, I proceeded to the
house of a Kashmirian merchant, of the same sect
(Shiah) as myself, and whom I had seen during my
stay at Kashghar, where he was then transacting
business. I related to him my unfortunate history,
and by his advice agreed to stay at Yarkand until a
caravan should set out for Tibet, when he conceived
there could be no difficulty in my accompanying it.
I now gave thanks to Heaven for my singular good
fortune and wonderful escape, and began to think
myself safe from future danger, when, on the third
day after my arrival, I heard a public crier proclaim
in the street where my Kashmirian friend lived, —
" Whereas a certain Muhammed Hussein Khan, who
" some time since arrived at Kashghar from Kukan,
" and having been refused permission to go to Yar-

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 347

"kand, returned avowedly to Kiikan; it is now
" ascertained that the said jNIuhammed Hussein did
" not return to Kukan, but, turning in amongst the
" Kirgeez, has contrived to get into Yarkand for the
" purpose of going to Tibet : whoever has harboured
" him in his house must immediately deliver him up,
"or submit to the severest punishment." My heart
died within me, but as I saw that concealment was
impossible, I boldly went up to the jarehi, (crier,)
and avowed myself as the person he was in search
of. The Governor sent to demand why, after having
been refused permission by the Abnan of Kashghar,
I had dared to enter the Khatai's territory a second
time. In short, after various discussions during one
month, the Governor sent to inform the Abnan of
Kashghar that he had found me, and begged to know
what was to be done with me. The answer was, —
" Let him be sent back to Kashdiar under charo-e of

o o

" one of your people." This was of course complied
with ; and with one man from the Governor of Yar-
kand to accompany me, I reached Kashghar in five
days. But God is great as he is wonderful, for
during the five days of my journey from Yarkand to
Kashghar, the Abnan was displaced and a new Ab-
nan had just arrived. The new Abnan was informed
of my arrival and, pleading ignorance of the transac-
tion, ordered me to his presence. In reply to his
inquiries, I told him the whole of my unfortunate
history, in as impressive and feeling a manner as I

348 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OP

could, and made bitter complaints of the conduct I
had experienced from the displaced Abnan. The
merciful God warmed the new Abnan's heart to-
wards me, and he had compassion on my sufferings.
At that very meeting he addressed his ministers
(called AValuiah in the Khatai tongue) in expressions
of reproach at the conduct of his predecessor, expa-
tiated upon the misfortunes I had endured, said it
would have been more becoming in a great nation to
have assisted with arms a Prince in distress, and
have replaced him on his throne, than to carry the
Sovereign's general orders into such rigid execution;
that the distance was too great for him to send
troops to assist me in recovering my possessions,
which he would otherwise willingly do, but that he
should certainly allow me to pass safely through the
country to any place I fixed on, were the King even
to put him and his family to death for it. When he
had finished, I perceived that his eyes were suffused
with tears. In short, he dissuaded me from going
so round-about a way as by Yarkand, and told me
he would send me by a much shorter road to Kabul
through Chetrar. He therefore gave me some of his
people, to act as guides and mehniandars, and with
two or three of my own servants I again departed
from Kashghar. For three days we were in the dis-
tricts belonging to Kashghar, the last of which is
called Sari Kuwal, and the following six or seven
days amongst the tribe of Kergeez ; from them we

1

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 349

went to a country called Vaklian (Dakhan?) gov-
erned by a certain Shah Jehan, the inhabitants of
which are Sectaries (Ismaelisms) neither under the
Government of Khatai or India. Ten days I was
amongst these people, and from them went to Che-
trar. The length of this country is about thirty days'
journey, and it is situated between two very steep
ridges of mountains, with a deep river running
through the valley which they forni. In every part
of this valley, from a quarter to half a farsakh's
breadth, you find small towns and villages in abun-
dance. In the narrower parts, where there is not
room for habitations, the road runs at the side of the
steep mountains in so irregular a manner, that none
but people on foot can with safety traverse it. The
whole of this country is under three Governors— one
at each extremity and one in the centre. They are
three brothers, and the centre one, Shahnavaz Khan,
commands in chief. The inhabitants are all Sunnis,
and live chiefly on their flocks of sheep and goats.
After forty days' fatigue and labour, I quited this
country, and entered that of the Kafer Siahpiish,
who, in fact, inhabit the whole of the mountainous
tract between Chetrar and Kabul. These are most
horrible and astonishing people. They have no
national religion of their own, and are enemies to
those who have. Their only dress is goat skins, and
their women go about with their heads and feet quite
bare. Strangers in general, who unfortunately enter

350 NARRATIVE OF THE TRAVELS OF

this country, are put to death, and these barbarians
having cut off their little fingers, hang them about
their necks as ornaments. Those around whose
necks the greater number of little fingers are sus-
pended, are esteemed the greatest people; and
nobody can ask a young lady in marriage who has
not a certain number of fingers to be jDroud of. The
difficulties I experienced and dangers I escaped
whilst with this murderous tribe are too numerous
to be related. They would literally fill a romance
of seventy volumes. After fifteen days' travelling
amongst them, I arrived in the district of Jela-
labad, on the frontiers of India, I entered the
fort of Guz, commanded by Seyed Nezeem, and
from thence, in three days, reached Jelalabad, which
is a city situated between Pishawer and Kabul. As
the manners and customs of that country are already
well known to your Excellency I shall not trouble
you with my remarks. In three days I arrived at
Kabul, whenTeman Shah reigned there; and as my
ancestors were on terms of friendship and alliance
with Ahmed Shah and Timur Shah, and as Timur
Shah had sent me assistance on Shah Morad Beg-
jan's having first attacked me, his son Shahi Zeman
of course received me in the most friendly manner,
and begged of me to take up my residence with him.
This I refused, with many grateful thanks ; and after
six months' stay at Kabul I departed for Ghazni,
(once the capital of the celebrated Shah Mahmiid,)

HAJI MUHAMMED HUSSEIN KHAN. 351

and from thence went to Kandahar, where after
a stay of two months I set off for Herat, but in the
way was stopped and plundered of everything by a
band of robbers at a place called Kirtang, near the
River Hirmand, from whence I walked in eighteen
days to Isferar, a district of Herat ; in two days
more to the village of Pirchand, belonging to
Kaina, where I remained a few days ; from thence
I came to Tabus ; from Tabus, which is the boundary
of Khorasan, to Ardistan and Zowarch, which are
the bordering towns of Irak ; from thence to Kashan;
and, lastly, to Tehran, where I have now resided
eighteen years, and, as you have yourself witnessed,
in the enjoyment of every comfort that the liberal
hospitality and munificence of His Persian Majesty
so freely bestow. What may yet be my fate God
only can tell !

Your Excellency's questions respecting the
exact distances and bearings by the compass of the
different countries and cities, I have not been able to
answer further than in a conjectural and computed
calculation ; and I trust you will make allowances
for the insufficiency of my relation when you report
on the dangerous manner in which I was forced to
travel about.

G. O.

352

REMARKS ON THE COLLATION OF MANU-
SCRIPTS, WITH VARIOUS READINGS IN
THE GULISTAN OF SADL

BY MAJOR OUSELEY.

We may, perhaps, class among the most irksome
labours of a literary man, the task of collating
several manuscript copies of the same work; a task,
however, which must be performed with accuracy
and diligence, previous to the correct publication of
any ancient author, if our object be to obtain the
genuine and original reading of the text.

When copies of any celebrated work are so
multiplied, as among the Asiatics, it is not surpris-
ing that the negligence, hurry, and ignorance of
transcribers should occasion numerous and consider-
able errors. Perhaps we may ascribe some of the
variations found in Oriental manuscripts to the sup-
posed learning of either the transcriber or the
possessor of a book, who may fancy that he corrects
only because he alters or curtails, and that he im-
proves because he adds. From the peculiar con-
struction of the characters in which they are written,
Arabic, Persian, and Turkish manuscripts are most
liable to variations and defects. The slight inflec-
tion or curvation of a stroke which ought to be
straight, or the omission or misapplication of a single

THE GULISTAN OF SaDI. 353

point, will occasion the total change of a word, and
consequently may affect the sense of an entire pas-
sage. Those, therefore, who undertake the publica-
tion in print of any Oriental work, will perceive the
necessity of accurately collating as many manuscript
copies as can be [)rocured.

But many passages are so essentially insignifi-
cant, as not to derive importance from any possible
partial alteration; and of words redundant, (which
are found, I believe, in the writings of every nation,)
certain expletives and particles, the variations, or,
indeed, the total omission, may, in many cases, be of
little consequence.

The attention of the Orientalist should be parti-
cularly directed to the collation of passages which
involve allusions to history, mythology, geography,
&c., where proper names are found, or obscure and
doubtful words, which, by a slight alteration, the
addition of a point, or transposition of a letter, may
be rendered important.

Whenever passages of this nature occur during
my perusal of the works of Firdausi, Sadi, Nizami,
and Hafiz, I have not been deterred by the dryness
and difficulties of the undertaking from collating as
many manuscript copies as I could obtain; notwith-
standing the discouraging circumstances of inaccuracy
of handwriting, the want of regularity in the arrange-
ment and division of chapters, the omission of those
marks which distinguish poetry from prose, &c.

2 a

854 THE GULISTAN OF SADI.

Being fortunate enough to possess (besides the
two printed editions) seven manuscript copies of
Sadi's Gidistan, and to have access to others in
public and private collections, I have examined in
all the readings of such passages as I entertained
doubts of, and in many instances have found very
extraordinary and material variations.

Of four passages in that justly admired work, I
shall here present the reader with the various read-
ings which I have remarked, reserving some others
for a future number of this Miscellany.

The first variation in the manuscript and printed
copies occurs in the third line of the following
tetrastich, which is found in Gentius's printed
edition, (folio, Amst. 1651, p. 180, chap, ii,) and
immediately precedes the l:^A'=^-^ beginning with

" Suavis Vox ex palato, ore, labioque dulci

(profecta)
" Sive musica arte temperetur, sive non, ani-

mum demulcet

I

THE GULISTAN OF SADI. 355

" Si vero cantica seu soni Ushak, Safahan

atque Haschas,
" Ex absurda cantatoris gula profluxerint,

ingrata erunt."

So are the Persian lines translated by Gentius,
p. 181, where he expresses by Haschas what we
would write Hejaz ; and refers to a short note
(p. 574) on the three perdehs, or modes of Persian
music, whicli Sadi mentions, but on which it is not
within the compass of my present Essay to offer any
observations.

This passage is found the same in the Gulistan,
comprised among the works of Sadee, printed at
Calcutta, in folio, 1791, vol. 1.

One of my manuscript copies has the third line
thus : —

which makes us acquainted with a fourth perdeh, or
musical mode.

A copy, which once belonged to Edward Wortley
Montague, besides the perdeh of Khorassan, mentions
that of Irak ;

with which two other manuscripts agree.

But one very beautiful copy differs from all those
2a2

856 THE GULISTIN OF SADI.

above spoken of, and introduces a sixth musical
mode, thus : —

And, in a fine manuscript, brought from Persia
by the celebrated Chardin, the tetrastich cannot be
found, although the book wants not any of its origi-
nal leaves.

The second passage, of which I shall here mark
the variations, occurs in the third chapter of the
Gulistan, (near the end,) and is thus given by Gen-
tins, p. 292 :—

(JUj^JLj j\ t^^ i^J SS^\ ■^^^ "^^ iS'^j'^ \j Lj-ij'^

"Arabem quendam fuisse, qui cum aliquan-
" turn aeris accumulasset, noctu Luanorum metu,
" solus in iiedibus suis somnum non capiebat."
A mark of reference is placed before luanorum^
by which Gentius rendered the Persian (jjVjj^;
but I have sought in vain among the notes for an ex-
planation of the Latin word. The Calcutta Sadi has
this passage as follows, p. lj^*- : —

AJl^ J J V*'^ 3 ^yi ^<^^^^ ^j.^s tX*^ iS^J^ \} lS^J'^

^c- (^i^Aj (jijl^ii Cj"^j^ cAr^^**-* j'^*^'

I

THE GULISTAN OF SADI 357

and the JNIontague manuscript, already mentioned,
thus : —

(jiiJ^»JLj Ji <^JM ^ i».j iSiX^i <-\>^^ *^^ ,^_<^J'^ J is'ij^

<Stij.xi (jM^l^aL ^b^y^

with the word }.a^ as explanatory or synonymous ;
written in a smaller character over the word (^^j^^J
Another copy gives it in the following man-
ner:—

I shall here observe, that Gentius* makes a dis-
tinction between the word c^^ Areb and vl;>*'
Aarab ; which seems not to have been attended to in
the MSS. The former, he says, signifies an Arabian
in general, "sive urbes, sive pagos, sive deserta
incolat:" the latter, the Arab of the Desert, the
Nomade, who, forsaking cities and villages, " sola
deserto et campestria inhabitat."

The next manuscript I shall quote neither men-
tions the j^j^\L»^>t nor the ^^U^jj, but has the
passage thus: —

* " Nota ad Rosar. Polit.," p. 597.

358 THE GULISTAN OF SADI.

mentioning the Arab's fears, without the occasion of
them.

It is pretty obvious, however, that apprehensions
on account of his money deprived him of rest: and
Mr. Sulivan, in his " Select Fables from the Gulis-
tan*," has thus translated the words in question: —
" An Arabian once had collected some money; and
all night, from the dread of losing this money, he
had no rest."

The Chardin MS., which I have before spoken
of, gives the passage as follows : —

mentioning the Arab's dread of solitude. With this
reading another copy in my possession thus nearly
agrees : —

c^i^j^j jjikj^^ tfrtW^J' {^

The next passage in the Gulistan, of which I
shall remark the variations, occurs in the last story
but one of the third chapter; I mean that c:^j\£^^
which begins with the words (j«;b Sy\.^ j\ ^^-^v.

* Page 110. octavo. London, 1774.

THE GULISTAN OF SADI. 359

The passage is given by Gentius, (p. 298,) as
follows: —

J.J ij C5v.^.*^->i Lj ^^^j.i ^ v_lL«.i>^ C* *'>^^ /b^ i^Aa*j

Jo4>j.^3 «-\AaJ tS/a.s tXxir

and thus translated by him in the opposite page: —

" In jucundum Cyropolis campum prodiit, et
" imperavit ut annulimi globo famosi cujusdam
" conditorii affigerent."

With the Persian reading of Gentius, the Cal-
cutta edition agrees, except that a final ^_y is added
to the word, i^A^^ — page ^\*'-\^. OP this word I
shall here remark, that one manuscript which I have

seen spells it (no doubt improperly,) thus, ^X^a^

It is the name of that delightful spot, the fame of
which has been celebrated in the admirable stanzas
of the poet Hafiz, and perpetuated by the elegant
translation of Sir William Jones*.

" Boy, let yon liquid ruby flow ;
And bid thy pensive heart be glad.
Whate'er the frowning zealots say,
Tell them their Eden cannot show
A stream so clear as Rocnabad,
A bower so sweet as Mosellay."

* "Persian Grammar/' p. 132, third edition; " Poems and
Translations," &c., p. 60, second edition.

360 THE GULISTAN OF SADI.

Over the word tf i^^»n^ in a manuscript which I
shall hereafter quote, that learned and most instruc-
tive traveller, Chardin, has written campum sacrum,
by Gentius translated jucundum.

A small and very beautiful copy agrees with the
reading of the Calcutta edition above-mentioned;
as does another large and valuable manuscript,
which has the following marginal note on the word
Mosellay^ written in a minute and remarkably neat
character: —

" It is the name of a place at Shirauz, the air
" of which is sweet and temperate, the plain
" delightful."

And on the word j^/as another note, which says,
(w-v-j^ t?U. -Li " It is the name of a place." While
another copy explains jv/ac by the word sAj lofty,
high, &c.

In the very handsome copy which once belonged
to the celebrated Chardin, the passage thus differs
from any of the readings before-mentioned:

The notes, partly French and partly Latin, of

THE GULISTAN OF SADI. 361

that learned Orientalist, are placed above the words
of this passage in the following order: —

Over (s'%,a^ (as I before mentioned) campum
sacrum.

Over ,yj^£=, dome, voute, globe.

Over aIjJJI A>a£ nomen regis.

And over t-.^ attacher.

The translation of this story by Mr. Sulivan*
does not ascertain whether *x»a£ is the name
famosi cujusdam conditorii, according to Gentius : or
of a place, according to the Persian note before-
mentioned; or of a king, as Chardin explains it.
But I have one manuscript, which instead of Jv/ac
has &L^ if.jojs. (a court or square), and gives the
passage altogether as follows: —

where for <-*>waj (which with the verb j^i^^ signi-
fies to fix or fasten to,) we find (jj^y^^^ signifying
to suspend or hang up.

* "Select Fables from the Gulistan," p. 74, The whole
passage is thus translated : " Once upon a time he went out with
" his courtiers to walk in the valley of Shiraz, and gave his
" orders that the ring should be placed upon the top of a high
" dome," &c.

362 THE GULISTAN OF SADI.

The fourth passage, which I shall here mention,
is an Arabic uu-^aj or distich, which occurs in the
fourth chapter of the Giilistan, very near the end;
and in Gentius's printed edition is found in page
314, with the Latin translation on the opposite page
thus: —

" Quando praeco ille asinorum pater rudebat
" Vocem edebat, quae munitissimam
" Persarum arcem Istechar destruebat."

The word which I particularly allude to here is
the ancient name of Persepolis, ^^^L^l, which is
found in one very valuable manuscript copy of Sadi's
works ; where, however, some variations occur in
other words of the passage. They are thus given : —

I confess I entertain some doubts on the pro-
priety of reading Istakhar in this distich, which has
furnished Gentius with the subject of a note, (page
606,) and which is quoted by the learned Tychsen in
his admirable little essay on Persepolis.* I have

. * Vide " Olai Gerhardi Tychseu Opuscula Quatuor Antiqui-
" tates Orientales Illustrata." Quarto. Rostoch, 1794.

I

THE GULISTAN OF SADI. 363

sought in vain for the passage in three of my best
MSS. One copy, however, gives the second line
as follows, (the first being the same with that in
Gentius): —

S - 33333 ^3^3 -

where the copulative ^ shows that two places are
alluded to ; which, indeed, is proved by the following
note on this passage written in the margin: —

Usuturkh and Fars are both names of cities (or
places) .

Another copy reads this distich as follows: —

It may be here remarked, that the word Istak-
har is spelt with sin ; and it is so written in two or
three copies of the Shah Nameh, which I have
lately had occasion to collate ; while some spell it
with ssad, and some without the initial alif.

But the Calcutta edition has neither Istakhar
nor Usuturkh : it reads the line in question thus,
page 1^0 — ^ :

- - ^ '^

364 THE GULISTAN OF SADI.

I shall here close my remarks on the variations
of those four passages. In a future number I shall
point out some in other parts of Sadi's works ; in the
Shah Nameh of Firdausi; the Sekander Nameh of
Nizami; and the Divan of Hafiz; having collated
various manuscript copies of all these works. The
Latin and French notes, written by the ingenious
Chardin in the Gulistan, which I have had occasion
to mention, shall be also presented to the reader of
the Oriental Collections, a work which will be
always open to communications of a similar nature.

365

OBSERVATIONS ON A PASSAGE OF NIZAMI,
AND AN ANCIENT CUSTOM OF THE JEWS
AND GRECIANS.

BY MAJOR OUSELEY.

When we find that, between two different na-
tions, an intercourse has taken place to such a
degree that the words and idioms of one have been
adopted into the language of the other*, we may
reasonably suppose many of the customs and cere-
monies likewise borrowed. These, among the Gre-
cians, may be traced, without much difficulty, to
their Asiatic and Egyptian sources f.

To the time when the Chaldeans held no incon-
siderable rank among the subjects of the Persian
Empire, and when its numerous hosts had frequent
though not always amicable, intercourse with the

* The affinity between the Persian and the Greek and
Chaldaic languages has been alluded to in another place, and
shall be the subject of a future publication.

f " Que la Grece ait ete peuplee par des colonies de I'Orient
" et de I'Egypte, ce n'est plus aujourd'hui une verite contestee,"
&c. Vide " Essai sur I'Utilite des Langues Orientales pour la
" Connoissance de I'Histoire Ancienne de la Grece." " Memoires
"de I'Acad. des Inscript.," vol. vii. p. 219. In this essay the
ingenious author illustrates by means of the Chaldaic, Hebrew,
and Phoenician, (for he uses not any other Oriental language,)
the very obscure Grecian fable of Perseus and the Gorgons, and
explains the celebrated inscription on the tomb of Sardanapalus.

366 OBSERVATIONS ON A

hardy veterans of tlie Grecian states, we may, per-
hajDS, trace the affinity and resemblance fomid in
their respective languages, their customs, and reli-
gious ceremonies.

Whilst I express my hopes of being able, on a
future occasion, to demonstrate the utility of the
Oriental tongues, and particularly of the Persian, in
illustrating many obscure and doubtful passages of
the Classic writers, I freely declare my opinion that
a knowledge of the Grecian language, ancient history,
and mythology, is indispensably necessary to him who
would aspire to perfection in the Persian, either as
a linguist or an antiquary, JNlutually reflecting
light upon each other, these languages will rightly
guide the etymologist through many a wearisome
and intricate derivation, and enable the curious
Orientalist to explore the dark recesses of antiquity.

It were easy to collect passages from the works
of the Persian poets, in which, without much vio-
lence of construction, allusions might be discovered
to the rites of Jewish and Grecian antiquity ; rites,
we may suppose, common to the Persians at one
period, since many are still to be found among
them, but slightly disguised by the changes of reli-
gion.

From several passages of this nature, which, in
the course of reading, I have collected together,
I shall here select one from that celebrated epic
poem of Nizami, The History of Alexander the

PASSAGE OF NIZAMI. 367

Great. It occurs in the beginning of the chapter
entitled (according to some manuscripts) Sj.^
^,JsJJC«->\ fvj^l^ j^ 3 \j^^ ^ j,yJSi^S " The Battle of
" Alexander with Darius, and Alexander's obtaining

" the victory." According to other copies ( jLAa^o

jjJ^b l^li ^^i^r " The lighting of Darius with
" Alexander." This, in animated verse, relates the
success of the Macedonian hero's arms over those
of Dara, in the battle which preceded the assassi-
nation of the Persian monarch —

" Deserted, in his utmost need,

" By those his former bounty fed'-' ;"

a circumstance pathetically told in the succeeding
chapter, which, slightly differing from the Greek
and Roman histories, describes the melancholy cata-
strophe that laid low the honours of the Great King ;
or, according to the profane style of Eastern adula-
tion and servility. The King of Kings. The rela-
tion of this event is prefaced by the following lines,
leading to that passage which is the particular sub-
ject of these remarks :

j^.< J aL-c » t*-^^^ LT'^^ t^'-*^

* Dryden's " Alexander's Feast."

368 OBSERVATIONS ON A

fcSJ^i ^rf .il..*.j>\ ^Li' ijj

" The graceful motion of the cerulean sphere,
" With its orbits, the Stars, and Moon, and Sun,
" Think not that they have been made for idle

sport,
" Or that this fair curtain (the canopy of heaven)

has been formed in vain.
" In this glorious web no thread is without its

use,

* This distich is not found in some copies.

t According to one copy, SJS i^^rf^i ^^^ to others,

(among which is the most ancient) tX/^J j'^j^ explained, by

an interlinear note, as signifying the same with '^S a'*j
to set going, to make current, to lend, &c.

X Some manuscripts want this distich, which seems to lead
with great propriety to the description of a battle.

PASSAGE OF NIZAMI. 369

*' Though the end (or object) of it may be con-
cealed from us.

*' Who knows what is to happen to-morrow ?

" Or that which shall yet remain in obscurity ?

" Can we tell the man whose affairs Fortune
shall direct?

" Or him with whose life Destiny shall sport ?

" Can we point out him M'ho to-morrow shall
be brought forth a lifeless corpse from his
habitation ?

" Or him on whose brow prosperity shall place a
diadem ?

" Who knows, on this clay which we now
trample under foot,

" What blood of heroes may have been shed ?"

The poet proceeds to relate that the hostile
armies met at the time of day-break, or of sun-rise,
which is thus figuratively described :

Of this passage, however we might expect, in
the works of Nizaini, much Oriental imagery, many
metaphors, allegories, and allusions, the sense would
have been, on the first reading, a little obscure, had
not some Persian commentators, in two manuscript
copies, thought it necessary to give a few explana-

2 B

;j70 observations on a

tory notes, written in the margins and between the
lines*. With their assistance we may translate the
distich thus: — "(That) when the King of Cheen
" (the Sun) arose in the morn, the Bridegroom of
" the East (Eden) gave pearls (Stars) instead of
" money."

Notwithstanding the Persian explanation which
I have given in a note, I acknowledge my ignorance
of the (^«N£ here mentioned, as no writer of
Iraun could possibly allude to Aden in Arabia Felix,
or to that part of Mesopotamia where the terres-
trial Paradise is supposed to have been situated, as
relatively Oriental.

The poet speaks of the Sun as the Prince of
Cheen, or of the Eastern Region. The imperial
bridegroom of the East, who, having caused by his
presence the stars to disappear, (which are described
as the pearls of heaven,) is said to have bestowed

* The notes are on ^^f■_s- sl-t which is explained by wLjCil

and j!t3.L) in one copy, by the words iX-5>^ ^h In the other

copy we are informed that ^ibjb is the same as ^iS»\j^

Under ^mj»j.£ is written wUii — and over ^^tXc the word
^ A*£> whilst a marginal note tells us, that

»

" ^den is the name of a country where the sun (first) appears,"

and ^ J (dur) is explained by HjiX^ stars. m

PASSAGE OF NIZAMI. 371

them instead of money as a marriage portion to
the morn.

The sun is compared to a bridegroom in the
following Hebrew passage : —

" (The sun which) cometh forth as a bridegroom
" out of his chamber and rejoiceth as a giant (or
" strong man) to run his course." — Psalm xix. 15.

In the latter part of the distich (which only
means that it was morn, that the sun had arisen,)
an allusion is found to the custom at Persian
nuptials, where the bridegroom bestows, among
other presents, a small sum of ready money on the
betrothed damsel. This sum, among persons whose
fortunes exceed not mediocrity, consists of ten or
twelve tomans* in ready money, and is generally
accompanied with two complete suits of the best
apparel, ear-rings, bracelets, a ring, a mirror, &c.
llie pecuniary gift is called ^^'^ ^^ (Mehr-u-
kabeen |).

* A toman is about 2l, 10s. of our money, but the value seems
to have fluctuated ; it has been reckoned at 45, 46, 50, and 60
French livres. Vide Tavernier, Chardin, &c. Mr. Ives makes
it eqnsd to 3^. 6s. 8d. See his " Voyage to India," &c,, Pre-
face, p. xii.

t See Francklin's " Tour to Persia," p. 109, &c. Olearius's
" Travels of the Ambassadors," translated by Davies, p. 327;
Sir Thomas Herbert's " Travels," p. 324, &c.

2b2

372 OBSERVATIONS ON A

One form of nuptial contract among the ancient
Israelites was the giving of a piece of money to the
bride, and of certain pledges of love and honour,
called Arrha and Arrhabo. i"'^"^^ — Such presents
Rebecca received on her marriage with Isaac : " A
" golden ear-ring of half a shekel weight, and two
" bracelets for her hands of ten shekels weight of
" gold*." And " The servant brought forth jewels
" of silver and jewels of gold, and raiment, and gave
" them to Rebecca f." Such as I before mentioned
are still the marriaofe-o^ifts amono; the Persians.

These gifts seem to have been usually regulated
by the father or friends of the bride. Schechem,
the son of Hamor, the Hivite prince, being passion-
ately in love with Dinah, the daughter of Jacob*
says to her brethren, " Let me find grace in your
*' eyes, and what ye shall say unto me I will give.
" Ask me never so much dowry (in^) and gift, and
" I will give according as ye shall say unto me; but
" give me the damsel to M'ifef."

And we read in another place, that the servants
of Saul, by his desire, said to David, (who had

* Genesis xxiv. 22.

t Genesis xxiv. 53. See the observations of the learned
Schrjeder on the Hebrew words 1?D^ and 0"*^ in his " Comment.
e Vestitu Mulierum Hebraearura," published by the celebrated
Albert. Schultens. Quarto, Leyden, 1745, pp. 60, 187, &c.

t Genesis xxxiv. 11, 12. The original Hebrew word for
the dowry is retained in the Arabic or Persian ^^J^ j.^^

i

i

PASSAGE OF NIZAMI. 373

alleged poverty as an obstacle to his becoming
the royal son-in-law,) " The king desireth not any
" dowry*."

The same argument is used by a Grecian mo-
narch tempting another hero to a matrimonial
alliance : " I have," says Agamemnon, " three
" daughters in my well-ordered mansion, — Chry-
" sothemis, Laodice, and Iphianassa. Of these, let
" Achilles, without bestowing on her any dowry,
" take her whom he shall most likef."

Tpei'i Se fMot eial Ovyarpei; eyl /xeydpo) evTTTjKToy
Xpva60efii<;, koI AaoStKr), kuI ^I<pldvaaaa
Tacov, ?;v /cat eOeXrjat (^iXrjv dvdehvov dyicrOw —

The nuptial present, among the ancient Greeks,
was called Ehvov -. also appa and appa^a>v> two names
borrowed, like the custom of bestowing it, from the
Hebrews. There were besides the gifts avaKoXvu-

T7]pla or deooprjTra, OTrrypia, ddpjjfiara and Trpoacpdeyic-

Ttjpla^ — all of them so named, because given on occa-
sion of the new-married woman's taking off her veil,
and suffering herself to be seen, a favour generally
conferred on the husband and relations the third
day after the wedding.

The bridal veil of the Persian ladies, made of red
silk or muslin |, corresponds with that of the same

* 1 Samuel xviii. 25.
t Homer's "Iliad," ix. 144.

J Fraucklin's " Tour." Olearius's " Travels of the Amb."
Sir T. Herbert's " Trans.," &c.

374 OBSERVATIONS ON A PASSAGE OF NIZAMI.

colour used by the ancient Greeks at their nuptials,
and called eavos, (which the Romans adopted under
the opposite name Flammeum). Such also was the
Hebrew ^y^i which concealed the charms of the
fair Rebecca from Isaac until she became his wife*,
and the n'b^') which has been sujDposed to derive its
name from an allusion to its reddish colourf .

The conducting of the bride, among the Persians,
in pompous procession to her future home, — the
nuptial feast, — the bathing, — the harmony of musi-
cal instruments, — the attendance of dancers, — and
the decoration of the bridegroom's house, — thus
alluded to in a distich of Nizami, speaking of his
hero Alexander,

(j*.» vXj) (—aAj »5*- >«>R£ i_-*M*^« »i

would afford ample subject for a continuation of the
parallel between the marriage ceremonies and cus-
toms of the Jews, the Greeks, and Persians; but
this essay has already exceeded the bounds pre-
scribed.

* Genesis xxiv. 65.

+ Schrceder de Vestitu Mulierum Hebrsearum, p. 65, &c.

I

375

PERSIAN SONNET, FROM THE DIVAN OF

JAM I.

TRANSLATED BY MAJOR OUSELEY.

" Last night, my eyes being closed in sleep, but

my good fortune awake,
" The whole night, the live-long night, the image
of my beloved one was the companion of

my soul.
" The sweetness of her melodious voice still

remains vibrating on my soul:
*' Heavens ! how did the sugar'd words fall from

her sweeter lips !
" Alas ! all that she said to me in that dream

has escaped from my memory,
" Altho' it was my care till break of day to

repeat over and over her sweet words.
" The day, unless illuminated by her beauty, is to

my eyes of nocturnal darkness.
" Happy day ! that first I gaz'd upon that lovely

face !
" May the eyes of Jami long be blest with pleas-
ing visions, since they presented to his

view last night
" That object, on whose account he passed his

waking life in expectation."

376

ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE.

Translated from the Persian of Rafieddin, with Anecdotes
of that Poet.

BY MAJOR OUSELEY,

Of Rafied'din, the author of a very curious and
entertaining Divan, I have not hitherto met with
any other anecdotes than those scattered through
his own works. We may thence collect that he
was a native of Hindostan, and probably of that
province called the Dekkan, which he delights to
celebrate. It appears from the ode beginning thus,

that he served in a military capacity; and he boasts
in a most extravagant manner of his own bravery and
feats of arms in another poem, where he describes
himself as the hero Rustam, the Persian Hercules,
" standing between the ranks of warriors cased cap-
" d-pie in complete steel."

\

I

That he attached himself to the person of the
illustrious emperor Akber, we learn from some other

ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE. 377

passages; and from that monarch he received the
reward of his poetical labours. " When the Divan
" of Rafia, (says he, in the last tetrastich of that
" work,) was brought to a conclusion, the poet
" received gifts and favours from the INIonarch. It
" was compiled and written in the kingdom of the
" Dekkan, and finished in the year of the Hejira one
thousand and ten*."

*-^*^>* s ^-^y*^ ^^•^ dj^'^ '■^ j^

His military services seem to have gained him
a very honourable distinction ; for the rich dress
bestowed on him by the Emperor, to which he
alludes in the following line, was more probably
earned by the sword than by the pen:

In a work of such magnitude as the Divan of Rafi-
ed'din (which contains near 15,000 distichs), it is
not to be expected that all the poems should
possess equal merit. His style is not by any means

Of the Christian sera, 1601.

378 ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE.

sublime : the thoughts in many of his sonnets, and
indeed the very words, are borrowed from the more
celebrated poets ; yet^ in a multiplicity of instances,
he exhibits a pleasing originality, which distin-
guishes him from the crowd of Persian versifiers,
whose Divans in general contain little more than
tiresome descriptions of Spring and its delights, in
which the same images recur a thousand times, or
incoherent rhapsodies, half amorous, and half reli-
gious. Though similar inconsistancies abound in the
sonnets of our poet, who appears to have been at
once a passionate lover, a zealous devotee in reli-
gion, and an enthusiastic admirer of beauty, (a com-
bined character applicable, perhaps, to all the Per-
sian lyrics,) yet his Divan is peculiarly valuable, on
account of the numerous local and historical allu-
sions found in it ; — anecdotes of men whom he had
personally known ; — descriptions of places he had
travelled or resided in ; — of curious objects he
had seen, and of transactions in which he himself
had been concerned. — All these relations bearing
internal marks of the author's accuracy and vera-
city. The praises bestowed on Cashmere in the
following extract will not appear exaggerated to the
reader acquainted with the usual style of Oriental
eulogium ; according to which a temperate climate
and fertile soil give any country a claim to the title
of " Paradise;'' or, "The seat of perpetual spring:"
and a moderate degree of beauty renders any

ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE. 379

damsel " a celestial houri." The delights of Cash-
mere have been always a favourite subject with
Eastern writers, as the various flowery epithets
which generally attend its name sufficiently prove*.
After celebrating the cities of Lahore, Futtaghur,
Barhampoor, and other places, Rafied'din proceeds
in his Divan, (among the poems ending in the letter
r,) thus to sing the praises of the ever-blooming
Cashmere :

j-i.y^ *.>j A4-ii fj*S \j^y yi j-'\

C/^j^ J»J A£w->» ^ Cl^t**^^ <S*iI> 0J9 jj!ij

yi.y^^ i5l***j j.^ «Xaax^ \L) ^ yXkAXj

* jUj *«l.>-»-tf> vAciiJ" Cashmere, the country of perpetual
spring, ilXl.^ O^^j the envy of Paradise, JaJ C\JL:> with
the aspect of Eden.

380 ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE.

vArtrf^ ^La. j^y^ ^-< r'^ r** J^ ^J'^-J'^

" I happened once to visit Cashmere : if you will
" attend, I'll give you a description of that country.
" I have seen Irak and India, Khorassan and Persia,
" but no place equal to Cashmere in beauty and in
" excellence of climate. During the whole year,
" from Cashmere to the borders of Cathay, the air,
'* tempered by gentle showers, has all the mildness

I

ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE. 381

" of spring ; there are flowers, and green herbage,
" plains, and running streams ; palaces, cupolas, and
" publick buildings, beautiful to view. On every side
" are rising grounds, crystal springs, and lofty
" trees, amid mountains covered with nut-trees,
" apple-trees, and fig-trees. Festivity and pleasure
" peculiarly abound there. In mirth and revelry
" the Cashmerians pass away their time on silken
" cushions. They all wear shawls, whether of illus-
" trious birth, or of the lowest class. How shall I
" describe the lovely damsels of that country ? — for,
" in my opinion, the young moon is not equal to
" them in beauty ; — with lips sweet as sugar, — in
" stature like the graceful pine, — fragrant as jessa-
" mine ; whatever side you look at, those nymphs
" appear like the sun or moon ; — a thousand secret
" snares, like the links of a chain, are laid in the
" waving ringlets of those fair plunderers of hearts,
" When these lovely nymphs loose their flowing
" tresses, a thousand captive hearts issue from the
*' point of every hair ! Here are innumerable
" youths handsome as Joseplr''; a thousand damsels
" with pouting lips, fair as Zeleekha, and charming

* Of Joseph, whom the Eastern writers suppose pre-eminent
in beauty, and Zeleekha (Potiphar's wife), the romantic story is
beautifully related by Jami and several other Asiatic poets.
The well in which he had been concealed is alluded to in the
original couplet of Rafied'din.

382 ACCOUNT OF CASHMERE.

"as the Houries; all fresh, young, and blooming;
" all in sweetness like sugar-candy, sugar, and milk.
" Refia, in the train of the victorious emperor,
" Akber, visited Cashmere, in company with Mo-
" hammed Peer."

383

PERSIAN SENTENCES,

SELECTED AND TRANSLATED RY SIR GORE OUSELEY.
I.

iS ^i ^J\ i_;!t>J L::-^♦Ai> a^k^^S-L v^>- ^"Vr*

" Notliing that is broken bears any value
" except the heart, which becomes the more
" vaKiable the more it is broken."

II.

J

" The unfeeling eye is never moistened by a

tear.
" We do not find a pearl in every shell."

III.

c:^ ^W^ a^^i ji3 Js^ ^^ jfS ^ j\ ^ d^j,

" Oh, my heart, if thou desirest ease in this
" life keep thy secrets undisclosed like the

384 PERSIAN SKETCHES.

" modest rose-bud. Take warning from that
" lovely flower, which, by expanding its hitherto
" hidden beauties when in full bloom, gives its
" leaves and its happiness to the winds."

IV.

(from OMAR KHEIAM.)

" I saw a potter in the market place, who
" incessantly stamped upon a piece of fresh clay
" that he might fashion it into a vessel, when
" the clay raised its voice and said, ' I, too, was
" once a man like thee, therefore be gentle with

•La/ j^»^ jJO tCtXJ^J AJulls *^ j.A^ a.*** jd<i

V.

" The value of three things are justly ap-
" predated by three classes of persons. The
" value of youth by the old, value of health by
" the diseased, the value of wealth by the needy."

I

PERSIAN SKETCHES. 385

VI.

HiSL-c ^i jj y'J iS^^$ ^ AAit tS\

a.xJL« ^^i^ o'j>j^ (i^^ Li,^>f"

" Alas ! thou art gone, but grief for thy ab-
" sence still remains in my heart, like the fire of
" the departed caravan in the deserted plain.
" It is usual that the heart should forget that
" M'hich the eye no longer seeth ; but although
" lost to my sight, thou art still in my heart*."

* The following quatrain is somewhat similar to the above, and
is found in the " Atish Kadah" of Lutf Ali of Ispahan (edited and
published by N. Bland, Esq.), in that part of it which treats of
" Royal and Noble Authors." It was composed by the son of
Mahmud of Ghazna, upon the loss of his mistress, who was
drowned :

" Thou art gone, and my wounded heart is distracted
"without thee! My joyous life becomes a cheerless 'Ah'
" without thee ! Thou are gone, and for the rest of my life
" without thee : Whilst thou art in the water, I shall be in
" the fire without thee ! "

2c

386 PERSIAN SKETCHES,

VII.

J

" Thou gavest, I gave, you, airs and graces,
" and I to thee my heart, Thou art, I am. Thou
" happy, and I scorned, Thou takest, I have
" taken, Thou my heart, and I from thee pain,
" Thou inflictest, I inflicted. Thou tyranny, and
" I self-destruction."

VIII.

jt.>\j tX-iiL v*-^^ ^ Ji *-! c^y^

J».jb tSM4^J •^W^ ji V> ^/*.J (^ . >^

" My incHnation leads me constantly to the
" enjoyment of pure wine, my ears are always
" filled with the soft tones of the flute and harp.
" When turned to clay and fashioned into a jar
" by the potters, O that the jar be for ever
" filled with pure wine !"

I

PERSIAN SKETCHES. 387

IX.

" It is such that if each hair of tlie head
" became a tongue to speak his praises, not even
" one in a thousand that he merits would be
" uttered."

X.

(from hafiz of shiraz.)

" Speak but little, and that little only when
" thy own purposes require it. Heaven has
" given thee two ears, but only one tongue, which
" means, listen to two things, but be not the
" first to propose one."

THE END.

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